Read Ebook: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 06 Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation Discovery and Commerce by Sea and Land from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time by Kerr Robert

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Introduction.

Introduction.

POSTSCRIPT.--Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama.

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA.

INTRODUCTION.

Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives the following testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part of America, by Cabot.

Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as has been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned in all things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one is permitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received his licence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in the city of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with his own-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in a friendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map of the world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards and Portuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information.

In the 14th year of the king however, three men were brought from the New-found-Island, who were clothed in the skins of beasts, did eat raw flesh, and spoke a language which no man could understand, their demeanour being more like brute beasts than men. They were kept by the king for some considerable time; and I saw two of them about two years afterward in the palace of Westminster, habited like Englishmen, and not to be distinguished from natives of England, till I was told who they were; but as for their speech, I did not hear either of them utter a word.

As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an inclination of discovery from my father, who, with another merchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoveries of the Newfoundlands. And, if the mariners had followed the directions of their pilot, there can be no doubt that the lands of the West Indies, whence all the gold cometh, had now been ours; as it appears by the chart that all is one coast.

Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it seemeth unto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie; because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, for that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be followed and obteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, and found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shal be none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things then lacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect: which is the courses to be changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meete and convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, and by Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect.

And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorne sayth, that he would have the old courses to bee changed, and the new courses to be followed: It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like that Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king, was made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seemeth that Gonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyage was begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusio.

In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of travelling to discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brazill on the coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this island of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven of this citie of San Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare, and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the shippe, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were in the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboard. And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the shippe had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have come on lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore the people of the shippe seeing how they were received, sayled toward the Island of St John de Puerto Rico, and entering into the port of St Germaine, the Englishmen parled with those of the towne, requiring victuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the inhabitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not to doe any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompence they gave and paid them with certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things. And afterwards they departed toward Europe, where it is thought they arrived not, for we never heard any more news of them.

Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by their traffique for pewter vessels and other wares at the town of St Germaine in the iland of San Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels in discoverie.

It appears from a certain note or memorandum in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book formerly belonging to Mr Nicholas Thorne senior, a respectable merchant of Bristol, written to his friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, at that time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia; that before the year 1526, one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way to the West Indies, and resided there as a secret factor for some English merchants, who traded thither in an underhand manner in those days. To this person Mr Nicholas Thorne appears to have sent armour and other articles which are specified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned--This Thomas Tison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to have been a secret factor for Mr Thorne and other English merchants, to transact for them in these remote parts; whence it is probable that some of our merchants carried on a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times; neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from it now.

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEWFOUNDLAND AND CANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534 AND 1535.

INTRODUCTION

The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went up the river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shore of the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with a small river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water at flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships, we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, because discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, of which Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of as fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees, maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there grows great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously without cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for the purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them to this port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. This chief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing for joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come along side of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such as knives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so much delighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were three leagues off.

After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island to examine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees and vegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it produced everywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is now called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees, except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, around which some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed with our ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up to Port St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona, accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoes full of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth and confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account come on board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some sinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to give directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for the greater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number of the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under a point or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join our company. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them, accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations, Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because the captain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. To this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence; but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom of their country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnacona continued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, and we concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain entered into the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set up three horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we went on board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our ships into the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there are three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour, as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega. As soon as our ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us, accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women, and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons came on board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by the captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them. Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfied with our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow any one to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to go there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate the country in that direction as far as was practicable: That if Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should be well used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return. This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediately retired.

Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us, bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in great abundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savages fell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all his people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and all our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made a long oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by the hand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; upon which all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and friendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards presented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls, accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks or yells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his own brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; and that the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go to Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly return the children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no account desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. But Domagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain that the children had been presented as a token of friendship and security, and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On this high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred that the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some treacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from his former conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence he caused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presented to Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness, commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told him many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelve cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, at which all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen upon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell had broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us that our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without the harbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on which all the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, as our men had not fired any that day.

On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied by two of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fifty mariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelega with the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eye could see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, all replenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grew numerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quite natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were not dressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large, nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along the river, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us great quantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paid them in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the place named Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada, where the river becomes very narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of which came the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining by signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher we went, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief presented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only he received, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who was too young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained this chief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with some trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chief and his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, and brought with them some small presents for our captain.

The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of St Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against the high mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of this river is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid channel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side. On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills of Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance of these rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and near these islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which is frequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues. The original beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouth of the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, from whence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That river is high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to navigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, in which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. In this river there are many islands great and small, among which is one ten leagues long, full of large tall trees and many vines. This island maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its south side. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is an excellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league is very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodly piece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is of excellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, and is the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our first voyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are four other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which we wintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all which time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a great extent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is over-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, except around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees to admit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building their houses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast size, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the inhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds also in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both white and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part of the world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to their seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kind named Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are as large as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resembling grey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt water about the mouth of the Saguenay river.

After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt and trafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, except that we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much to the displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that the river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a distance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient and best way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in the first place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes from Saguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month. The natives likewise gave us to understand that the people in that country of Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to us Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and red copper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and Saguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a great inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as they had heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been there themselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left our pinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which flows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitants are continually at war against each other, and which country produces abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds of fruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked if there were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country to be towards Florida.

On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because the nature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his body to be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could be discovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of the people. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a quart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but the lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about the heart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence when opened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had been rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company; all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals or drink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury such as died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the natives might discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whom it pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearance with two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever any of the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones, commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce the natives to believe that all the company were employed in work about the ships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died miserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked upon us in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedy against our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, as shall be related hereafter.

On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied by several strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that the lord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bring abundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnacona came to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we know not; but as the proverb says, "He who takes heed of all men may hap to escape from some." Indeed we had great cause to look about us, being much diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still very weak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of our ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrival of that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came to tell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona as he used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intended treachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with John Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour to discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretended only to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried some presents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went to bed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to the house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigious number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most of whom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allow our men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping company with them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to the ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, and that if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteem it a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired; requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.

At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we were visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one of our ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossing the river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their former shyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the other side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they would come over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested to order the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carried over to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had been expressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; being only permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn French that they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carry Agouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced at this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to the ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, our captain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day, thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up a shield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters,

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA.

Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt, who was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his proceedings.

Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.

As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eager desire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, and afterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts along the coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi, which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers, merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwards still greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, forty leagues from the island of Baharem in the Persian gulf, who settled first Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from these, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis, signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessed themselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, and discovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spread themselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture to navigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the south-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Along this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and others; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whence many others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar. Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of the sea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorn trees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, and birds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed by the Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and orchards behind.

Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twenty days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel and brigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail for Mombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues in circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large bay before it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, two vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery of eight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from the Portuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy, blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they were obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned, the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informed that the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in defending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission; but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightened by the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst. Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men had been wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging to Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attacked the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at the other side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace he took possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately after gaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships had succeeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya, all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only five men; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, of which only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plundered the city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.

At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, and continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay called Angra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separated along with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing from thence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in India was the island of Anchediva, where according to orders from the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men, leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he was visited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom of Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from their sovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and several Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this however was the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa and Mombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had built a fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to make himself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretence of a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected and remained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he sailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. The inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission, till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to a neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On this Almeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his son Lorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were in the port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, and discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda was wounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blew the smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for a time; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked. In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his men falling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, when the enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor of the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed, waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and being a man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master to become vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed to a treaty of peace.

Leaving Onore, Almeyda went to Cananor, where he had an interview on shore with the rajah, who was attended by 5000 men well armed. He informed the rajah that he was to reside for some time in India, in consequence of the troubles which had arisen between the Portuguese and the zamorin of Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at this place for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This being granted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito in the command with 150 men, and two vessels to cruize along the coast. Going from thence to Cochin, he received intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulan and all his men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his son Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders to endeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking any notice of what had happened; but in case loading were denied he was to take ample revenge for the murder of the factor and his people. The messenger sent upon this occasion was answered by a flight of arrows, and twenty-four ships belonging to Calicut and other places put themselves in readiness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance Lorenzo burnt them all, only a very small number of the Moors saving themselves by swimming to the shore. Don Lorenzo then went to load at another port, after which he rejoined the viceroy at Cochin.

It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his orders from the king of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a solemn manner, with a golden crown richly adorned with jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as a recompence for the gallant fidelity with which he had protected the Portuguese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as Triumpara had abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambeadora, Almeyda thought proper to confer the same honour upon him, and he was accordingly crowned with great pomp, as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese, and a terror to others. From this place Almeyda sent home six ships richly laden for Lisbon.

Besides the forts already erected on the eastern coast of Africa at Quiloa and Mozambique, and the factory at Melinda, King Manuel determined to build a fort at Sofala to secure the trade in gold at that place; for which purpose he sent out Pedro de Annaya with six ships in the year 1506: three of these ships being destined to remain on the African coast, and the other three to proceed to India. This fleet was separated in a storm, during which one of the captains was washed overboard and drowned, and another lost sixteen men who were slain by the natives of an island on which they landed. The squadron rejoined in the port of Sofala, where Annaya found twenty Portuguese mariners in a miserable condition. The ship to which they had belonged, commanded by Lope Sanchez, was forced to run on shore at Cape Corientes, being so leaky as to be in a sinking condition. After landing, the crew refused obedience to their officers, and separated into different parties, endeavouring to make their way through the unknown countries and barbarous nations of Africa; but all perished except these twenty, and five who were found at the river Quiloma by Antonio de Magelhaens, who brought them to Sofala.

According to his orders, and by permission of the sheikh or king of Sofala, Annaya erected a strong wooden fort at that place. The king soon afterwards repented of his concession, and was for some time in hopes that the Portuguese would be soon obliged to abandon the place on account of its unhealthiness. About this time, three of the ships were dispatched for India, and two of these which were destined for protecting the coast from the attempts of the Moors were sent off upon a cruise to Cape Guardafu, both of which were lost; the captains and part of their crews saving themselves in the boats: In consequence of the unwholesomeness of Sofala, the Portuguese garrison became so weakened by sickness that it required six of them to bend a single cross-bow. Encouraged by these disasters and instigated by his son-in-law, the king collected a force of 5000 Kafrs with which he invested the fort, filled up the ditch with fascines, and made a violent assault, darkening the sun with incessant clouds of arrows. Though only 35 Portuguese were able to stand to their arms, they made such havock among the assailants with their cannon, that the part of the ditch which had not been filled up with wood was levelled with dead bodies. The enemy being thrown into confusion Annaya made a sally at the head of fifteen or twenty men, with whom he drove the Kafrs before him to a grove of palms, and thence into the town, crying out in consternation that their king had sent them to contend against the gods. In the ensuing night, Annaya attacked the town, and even penetrated into the house where the king resided, who, standing behind a door, wounded Annaya in the neck with his cymeter as he entered, but was soon killed with many of his attendants. Next day the two sons of the slain king made a new assault on the fort, but without success, many of the garrison who were sick, being cured by the alarm, joined in the defence, and the Moors were again repulsed with great slaughter. The two sons of the deceased King of Sofala fell out about the succession, and one of them named Solyman made an alliance with Annaya to procure his aid to establish himself in the sovereignty.

While these things happened at Sofala, the zamorin of Calicut was using every exertion to raise up enemies to the Portuguese, even entering into alliance with the Mameluke Soldan of Egypt, hoping by his assistance to drive the Christians from the Indian seas. His measures and preparations however became known to the Rajah of Cochin, who communicated the intelligence to the viceroy Almeyda. He accordingly sent his son Lorenzo with eleven vessels to endeavour to counteract the designs of the zamorin by destroying the fleet he had prepared. Learning that the Calicut fleet was in the port of Cananor, consisting of 260 paraos, 60 of which were larger than the Portuguese ships, Lorenzo sailed thither and put them to flight after a severe engagement. In the pursuit, some of the paraos were taken, but many were sunk and run aground, by which the enemy sustained great loss, while only five or six of the Portuguese were slain. The principal booty taken on this occasion was four ships loaded with spice. Almost immediately after this victory, Don Lorenzo received notice that the fort of Anchediva was beset by 60 vessels belonging to the Moors and Malabars, well armed and manned with a number of resolute men under the command of a renegado. On this occasion the besieged behaved with great gallantry, and the besiegers pressed their attacks with much bravery, but several of their vessels having been destroyed and others much damaged by the cannon of the fort, and hearing of the approach of Lorenzo, the enemy withdrew in all haste.

While Cide Barbudo and Pedro Quaresme were coming out from Portugal with two ships, they arrived after many misfortunes at Sofala, where they found Annaya and most of his men dead, and the rest of the Portuguese garrison sick. Quaresme remained there to defend the fort; and Barbudo proceeding towards India found Quiloa in as bad a condition, of which he carried intelligence to Almeyda. The viceroy sent immediately Nunno Vaz Pereyra to relieve the forts of Quiloa and Sofala. But that of Quiloa was soon afterwards abandoned and destroyed, after having lost many lives, owing to the ill usage of the Portuguese to the natives, whom they treated with insufferable pride, and boundless avarice.

Having been informed by Diego Fernandez Pereyra that the island of Socotora near the mouth of the Red Sea was inhabited by Christians who were subject to the Moors, the king of Portugal ordered Tristan de Cunna and Alfonso de Albuquerque to direct their course to that island, and to endeavour to possess themselves of the fort, that the Portuguese ships might be enabled to winter at that island, and to secure the navigation of the Arabian Gulf against the Moors; for which purpose they carried out with them a wooden fort ready to put up. De Cunna was destined to command the trading ships which were to return to Europe, and Albuquerque to cruise with a small squadron on the coast of Arabia against the Moors. These two commanders sailed from Lisbon on the 6th of March 1507, with thirteen vessels in which were 1300 soldiers, some of whom died by the way, having been infected by the plague then raging in Lisbon; but when they came under the line, the sickness left them. Having come in sight of Cape Augustine in Brasil, they took a new departure from thence to cross the Southern Atlantic for the Cape of Good Hope; but in this course De Cunna held so far to the south that he discovered the islands still called by his name. At this place the ships were parted in a storm, each following a separate course till they met again at Mozambique. Alvaro Tellez, however, who commanded one of these ships, overshot Mozambique and proceeded to Cape Guardafu, where he took six ships belonging to the Moors, so laden with all kind of goods, that he made a sort of bridge from them to his own vessel, consisting of bales thrown into the sea, over which his men passed as on dry land.

Having now only six ships out of thirteen with which he left Portugal, one being lost, some separated by storms, and others sent away, Tristan de Cunna appeared before the city of Oja, on an open shore seventeen leagues from Melinda, and defended by a wall towards the land, to protect it against the Kafrs. De Cunna sent a message to the sheikh desiring an interview, as having some important matters to arrange with him; but the sheikh answered, that he was subject to the soldan of Egypt, caliph or head of the Musselmans, and could not therefore treat with a people who were enemies to the prophet. Considering delay dangerous, Tristan resolved upon an immediate attack, and dividing his men into two parties, one commanded by himself and the other by Albuquerque, made for the shore as soon as day light appeared. The Moors were drawn up on the shore to resist the landing, but were soon forced to take shelter behind their walls; and, not trusting to them for protection, no sooner entered at the sea gate but they ran out at the gate opposite. Nunno de Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha pursued the sheikh and his people to a grove of palm trees, in which the sheikh and many of his attendants were slain. At this time, George Silveyra observed a grave Moor leading a beautiful young woman through a path in the wood, and made towards them. The Moor turned to defend himself, desiring the woman to make her escape while he fought; but she followed him, declaring she would rather die or be taken along with him, than make her escape alone. Seeing them thus strive who should give the strongest demonstration of affection, Silveyra allowed both to go away unhurt, unwilling to part so much love. The town was plundered and set on fire, and burnt with such fury that some of the Portuguese perished in the flames while in anxious search of plunder.

On being informed of what had happened at Oja, the sheikh of Lamo, fifteen leagues distant, came to make his submission, and to render himself more acceptable offered to pay a tribute of 600 meticals of gold yearly, about equal to as many ducats, and paid the first year in advance. From hence De Cunna proceeded to Brava, a populous town which had been formerly reduced, but the sheikh was now in rebellion, trusting to a force of 6000 men with which he opposed the landing of the Portuguese. But De Cunna and Albuquerque landed their troops next day in two bodies, in spite of every opposition from showers of arrows, darts, and stones, and scaled the walls, routing the Moors with prodigious slaughter. The city was plundered, and burnt; but in this enterprise the Portuguese lost forty-two men; not the half of them by the sword, but in consequence of a boat sinking which was overloaded with spoil. Those who were drowned had been so blinded with covetousness while plundering the town, that they barbarously cut off the hands and ears of the women to save time in taking off their bracelets and earrings. Sailing from Brava, Tristan de Cunna was rejoined off Cape Guardafu by Alvaro Tellez, who had been in great danger in a storm of losing his ship with all the rich booty formerly mentioned. Having got sight of Cape Guardafu, De Cunna now stood over for the island of Socotora, according to his instructions.

Socotora, or Zakatra is an island twenty leagues long and nine broad, stretching nearly east and west, in lat. 12? 40' N. and is the largest of the islands near the mouth of the Red Sea, but has no ports fit for any great number of ships to ride in during winter. Through the middle of this island there runs a chain of very high hills, yet covered over with sand blown up by the north winds from the shore to their tops, so that they are entirely barren and destitute of trees or plants, excepting some small valleys which are sheltered from these winds. It is 30 leagues from Cape Guardafu, and 50 leagues from the nearest part of the Arabian continent. The ports principally used by us are Zoco or Calancea to the westwards, and Beni to the east, both inhabited by Moors, who are very unpolished. In those valleys that are sheltered from the sand, apple and palm trees are produced, and the best aloes in the world, which from its excellence is called Socotorine aloes. The common food of the people is maize, with milk and tamarinds. The inhabitants of this island are Christians of the Jacobite church, similar in its ceremonies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia. The men generally use the names of the apostles, while most of the women, are named Maria. They worship the cross, which they set up in all their churches, and wear upon their clothes, worshipping thrice a-day in the Chaldean language, making alternate responses as we do in choirs. They have but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practice fasting. The men are comely, and the women so brave that they go to war like Amazons. They are clothed mostly in skins, but some of the better sort use cloth; their weapons are stones, which they sling with much dexterity, and they live mostly in caves. This island was subject to the sheikh or king of Caxem in Arabia.

At this place De Cunna found a tolerable fort, not ill manned, and decently provided for defence. He sent a friendly message to the sheikh, but receiving an insolent answer he resolved to attack the place, though the attempt seemed dangerous. He and Albuquerque went towards the shore with the troops, but Don Alfonso de Noronha, nephew to De Cunna, leapt first on shore, determining to shew himself worthy of the choice which the king had made of him to command in Socotora, if gained. Noronha immediately advanced against the sheikh with a few brave men. The sheikh defended himself with great resolution, and had even almost repulsed the assailants, when he was struck down by the lance of Noronha. The Moors endeavoured with much valour to rescue their wounded chief, but he and eight more were slain, on which the rest fled to the castle. This was immediately scaled by a party of the Portuguese, who opened the gate for the rest, who now rushed into the large outer court.

While these things occurred at Socotora, the zamorin of Calicut was arming afresh against the Portuguese, relying on the promises of his wizards and soothsayers; who, finding that the succours under Tristan de Cunna were long delayed, assured him of success in that lucky opportunity, and predicted a great change of affairs, as indicated by an earthquake and a great eclipse of the sun, so complete that the stars were seen at noon for a considerable time, and which they pretended was a sure sign of the approaching destruction of the Portuguese. But on the viceroy Almeyda receiving notice of the preparations at Calicut, he sent his son Don Lorenzo thither with a squadron of ten ships. At this time Gonzalo Vaz was in Cananor with his ship, taking in water; and on his voyage to join Don Lorenzo he fell in with a ship belonging to Cananor having a Portuguese pass, which he sunk with all her moorish crew sewed up in a sail that they might never be seen. But this wicked action was afterwards discovered, for which Vaz was broke; a very incompetent punishment for so great a crime, owing to which the Portuguese afterwards suffered severe calamities, as will appear in the sequel.

As Tristan de Cunna was now ready to depart for Portugal with the homeward bound ships, the viceroy went along with him to Paniani, a town belonging to Calicut which he proposed to destroy, as it was much frequented by the Moors, who took in loadings of spices at that place under the protection of four ships belonging to the zamorin commanded by a valiant Moor named Cutiale. The viceroy and Tristan, having anchored off the bar, held a council of war to deliberate upon a plan of attack, when it was determined to send their two sons in two barks and several boats to attack the place, while the viceroy and admiral should follow in a galley. When the foremost of the Portuguese assailants were attacking the trenches, on which some of them had mounted, Pedro Cam having even planted the colours of Lorenzo Almeyda on the summit, the viceroy on coming up observed his son climbing up with some difficulty. He immediately called out, "How comes it Lorenzo that you are so backward?" When the young man answered, "I have given way, Sir, to him who has gained the honour of the day." At this moment a gigantic Moor assailed Lorenzo and even wounded him; but in return he cleft the head of the Moor down to the breast. The town was now carried by storm, and all its defenders put to the sword, after which all the ships in the port were burnt. In this exploit the Portuguese lost only eighteen men, none of whom were of any note; but above 500 of the enemy were slain. Though the plunder of this place was of great value, it was all burnt along with the town and ships, the artillery only being carried off.

After this the fleet and army returned to Cananor where De Cunna completed his lading, and then set sail for Portugal. At Mozambique, on his way home, he met several ships belonging to a squadron of twelve sail sent from Lisbon in the former year; seven of which were to return with goods, and the other five to cruise on the eastern coast of Africa, under the command of Vasco Gomez de Abreu, who was likewise to command in the fort of Sofala. There were also two other ships in this fleet, destined to reinforce the squadron of Albuquerque on the coast of Arabia. Of this fleet, the ship commanded by Juan Chanoca was lost in the river Zanaga, that of Juan Gomez in another place, and Abreu was lost with four vessels while going to Mozambique. Other vessels of this fleet were driven to various parts, after enduring terrible storms and imminent dangers; yet these dire misfortunes were insufficient to damp the boldness of our nation in quest of riches, so prevalent is covetousness over every consideration of difficulty or danger.

We must now return to Alfonso de Albuquerque, who parted from De Cunna, after the taking of Socotora on the 20th of August, as formerly related, being bound for the coasts of Arabia and Persia, pursuant to the commands of the king, having with him seven ships and 460 soldiers. He came first to Calayate, a beautiful and strong place in the kingdom of Ormuz, built after the manner usual in Spain, but which had once been more populous. Sending a message to the governor, he received supplies of water and provisions, and entered into a treaty of peace. Proceeding to Curiate, ten leagues farther on, he was very ill received, in revenge for which he took the place by storm, losing only three of his own men, while eighty of the defenders were slain. After plundering this place, it was destroyed by fire along with fourteen vessels which were in the harbour. From thence he sailed for Muscat, eight leagues farther, which was stronger than the two former, and well filled with people, who had resorted there from all quarters on hearing of the destruction of Curiate. Being afraid of a similar disaster, the governor sent great supplies of provisions to Albuquerque, and entered into a treaty of peace; but while the boats were ashore for water, the cannon of the town began unexpectedly to play upon the ships, doing, considerable damage, and obliged them hastily to haul farther off, not knowing the cause of these hostilities; but it was soon learnt that 2000 men had arrived to defend the town, sent by the king of Ormuz, and that their commander refused to concur in the peace which had been entered into by the governor. Although Albuquerque had received considerable damage from the smart cannonade, he landed his men early next morning, and attacked the place with such resolution that the Moors fled at one gate, while the Portuguese entered at another. The town was given up to plunder, all except the residence of the governor, who had received the Portuguese in a friendly manner, and had very honourably given them notice to retire, when the troops of Ormuz arrived; but he was slain during the first confusion, without being known.

After the destruction of Muscat, Albuquerque proceeded to Soar, all the inhabitants of which fled, except the governor and some of the principal Moors, who offered to surrender the town; but Albuquerque gave it back to them, on condition of holding it in vassalage from the crown of Portugal, and payment of the same tribute which used to be given to the king of Ormuz. Fifteen leagues farther he came to Orfucam, which was deserted by the inhabitants. Albuquerque sent his nephew, Don Antonio, to pursue them at the head of 100 men; who, though he brought back twenty-two prisoners, received almost as much damage from the Moors as he did, as they were very numerous and fought bravely in defence of their wives and children. The deserted town of Orfucam was plundered for three days, during which time Albuquerque disposed all things in readiness for proceeding against Ormuz, which was the chief object of his voyage, deeming these previous exploits only a prelude to his grand enterprise, and accounting them but trifles, though they might appear considerable to others.

When Albuquerque arrived at Ormuz about the end of September 1507, Sayf Oddin a youth of twelve years of age was sovereign, under the guardianship of a slave named Khojah Attar, a man of courage but of a subtile and crafty disposition. Hearing what had been done by Albuquerque at the towns upon the coast, Attar made great preparations for resisting the new enemy. For this purpose he laid an embargo on all the ships in the port, and hired troops from all the neighbouring countries, so that when the Portuguese entered the port there were 30,000 armed men in the city, of whom 4000 were Persians, the most expert archers then in the world. There were at that time 400 vessels in the harbour, 60 of which were of considerable size, the crews of which amounted to 2500 men. Albuquerque was not ignorant of the warlike preparations which had been made for his reception; but to shew his determined resolution, he came immediately to anchor in the midst of five of the largest ships riding in the harbour, firing his cannon as he sailed along to strike a terror into the inhabitants, and the shore was soon lined by 8000 troops. As no message was sent to him by the king, he commanded the captain of the largest ship, which seemed admiral over the rest, to repair on board of him, who immediately complied, and was received with much civility, but in great state. He then desired this man to go on shore and inform the king of Ormuz, that he had orders from the king of Portugal to take him under the protection of that crown, and to grant him leave to trade in the Indian seas, on condition that he submitted himself as vassal to the crown of Portugal, and agreed to pay a reasonable tribute: But if these proposals were rejected, his orders were to subdue Ormuz by force of arms. It was assuredly no small presumption to offer such degrading terms to a king who was at the head of above 30,000 fighting men, and 400 ships, while all the force he had against such prodigious force, was only 460 soldiers and seven ships. The Moorish captain, who was from Cambaya, went on shore and delivered this insolent message to the king and his governor Attar; who immediately sent Khojah Beyram with a message to Albuquerque, excusing them for not having sent to inquire what the Portuguese wanted in their port, and promising that the governor should wait upon him next day. Attar however did not perform this promise, but endeavoured to spin out the time by a repetition of messages, in order to strengthen the fortifications of the city, and to receive farther supplies. Albuquerque immediately perceived the purport of these messages, and told Beyram that he would listen only to the acceptation of peace on the terms proposed, or an immediate declaration of war. To this insolent demand, Beyram brought back for answer, that Ormuz was accustomed to receive, and not to pay tribute.

The high spirit of Albuquerque could not brook this conduct, and determined upon taking vengeance, but had little success in the attempt being badly seconded by the officers serving under him. Taking advantage of this spirit of insubordination, of which he had ample intelligence as it was occasioned by his own intrigues, Attar one night set fire to a bark which the Portuguese were building on the shore; and at the same time one of the deserters called aloud from the wall on Albuquerque, to defend his boat with his 400 men, and he should meet 7000 archers. At this time some of the Portuguese captains gave intelligence to the enemy, and had even assisted the five renegades to desert. Enraged at this affront in burning his bark, Albuquerque endeavoured to set some ships on fire which were building or repairing in the arsenal of Ormuz, but failed in the attempt. He next undertook to besiege the city; and having taken several persons who were carrying provisions thither, he cut off their hands, ears, and noses, and sent them into the city in that miserable condition, to the great terror of the inhabitants. About this time there was a hot dispute between the Portuguese and the garrison of Ormuz, about some wells which supplied the inhabitants with water, which Albuquerque endeavoured to fill up, in which the Moorish captain and the guard over the wells were all slain, and the wells filled with the carcasses of their men and horses. The young king and his governor sallied out from the city to drive the Portuguese away, and actually cut off the retreat of Albuquerque; but a lucky cannon-ball opened the way, by throwing the cavalry of the enemy into confusion.

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