Read Ebook: Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859 Volume 2 by Senior Nassau William Tocqueville Alexis De Simpson M C M Mary Charlotte Mair Editor

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OF THE SECOND VOLUME

The army master of France Comparison with the 18th Brumaire Aggressive acts of the President Coup d'?tat planned for March 1852 Socialism leads to despotism War necessary to maintain Louis Napoleon State prisoners on December 2 Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope Latent Bonapartism of the French President's reception at Notre Dame Frank hypocrites Mischievous public men Extradition of Kossuth January 29, 1849 Stunner's account of it contradicted The Second Napoleon a copy of the First Relies on Russian support Compulsory voting Life of a cavalry officer Victims of the Coup d'?tat

Effect of the Orleans confiscation on the English Firmness of Prussia Mr. Greg's writings Communication from Schwartzenberg New Reform Bill Democracy or aristocracy Reform Bill not wanted Twenty-five thousand men at Cherbourg Easier to understand Lord Derby than Lord John Preparations at Cherbourg a delusion Conversation with King Leopold No symptoms of aristocratic re-action in England England's democratic tendencies Idleness of young aristocrats Death of Protection Revolutions leading to masquerades Tory reforms Imperial marriage New Reform Bill a blunder

Prosperity in Paris Dangers incurred by overbuilding Discharged workmen effect Revolutions Probable monetary panic Empire can be firmly established only by a successful war Agents undermining the Empire Violence and corruption of the Government Growing unpopularity of Louis Napoleon Consequences of his death He probably will try the resource of war Conquest would establish his power War must produce humiliation or slavery to France Corruption is destroying the army and navy Emperor cannot tolerate opposition Will try a plebiscite

Blackstone a mere lawyer Feudal institutions in France and England Gentleman and Gentilhomme Life of seclusion Interference of police with letters Mrs. Crete's conversations at St. Cyr Great writers of the eighteenth century Political torpor unfavourable to intellectual product English not fond of generalities Curious archives at Tours Frightful picture they present Sufficient to account for the Revolution of 1789 La Marck's memoir of Mirabeau Court would not trust Mirabeau The elder Mirabeau influenced by Revolution Revolution could not have been averted Works of David Hume Effect of intolerance of the press Honesty and shortsightedness of La Fayette Laws must be originated by philosophers Carried into effect by practical men Napoleon carried out laws Too fond of centralisation Country life destroyed by it Royer Collard Danton Madame Tallien Tocqueville independent of society Studious and regular life Influence of writers as compared with active politicians

Tocqueville attends the Academy Proposed visit to Germany Return to France English adulation of Louis Napoleon Mismanagement of Crimean War Continental disparagement of England Necessity for a conscription in England Disastrous effects of the war for English aristocracy Peace premature

Effects of the Emperor going to the Crimea Prince Napoleon Discontent in England Disparagement of England Austria alone profited by Crimean War Despotism of Louis Napoleon consolidated by it Centralisation in Algeria Criticism of Mr. Senior's Article Places Louis Napoleon too high English alliances not dependent on the Empire Louis Napoleon will covet the Rhine Childish admiration of Emperor by British public Real friends of England are the friends of her institutions

Description of political parties Imperialists Legitimists Orleanists Orleanist-Fusionists form the bulk of the Royalists Legitimists unfit for public life Republican party not to be despised Parliamentarians Desire only free institutions No public opinion expressed in the Provinces Power of Centralisation Increased under Louis Philippe Power of the Pr?fet Foreign policy of Louis Napoleon Of former French Sovereigns Invasion of Rome prepared in 1847 Eastern question, a legacy from Louis Philippe Fault as an administrator Mismanagement of the war His Ministers mere clerks Free institutions may secure his throne English Alliance Russian influence Revolutions followed by despotism Lessons taught by history

Tocqueville burns his letter Conversation of May 28 Amusing letters from the Army Enjoyment of home Fall of Sebastopol Cost of the war Russia dangerous to Europe How to restrain her Progress in the East No public excitement in France

The 'Ancien R?gime' Master of Paris, Master of France Opposition to Suez Canal Mischievous effect of English Opposition Expenditure under the Empire Effect of Opposition to the Suez Canal Tripartite Treaty 'Friponnerie' of the Government Tripartite Treaty Suez Canal French floating batteries Fortifications of Malta Emperor's orders to Canrobert A campaign must be managed on the spot

The 'Ancien R?gime' King 'Bomba' American Rebellion Lord Aberdeen on the Crimean War Eccentricities of English public men Remedy for rise in house-rent The rise produced by excessive public works Dulness of Paris Mr. Senior's Journal in Egypt Chinese war

Flatness of society in Paris Dexterity of Louis Napoleon Is maintained by the fear of the 'Rouges' Due de Nemours' letter Tocqueville disapproves of contingent promises Empire rests on the army and the people Slavery of the Press Public speaking in France English and French speakers American speakers Length of speeches French public men Lamartine Falloux Foreign French Narvaez and Kossuth French conversers Montalembert Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle Tu and vous Feeling respecting heretics Prejudices of the Ancien R?gime French poetry Fashion in Literature Montalembert's changes of opinion Increasing population of Paris Its dangerous character No right to relief Sudden influx of workmen Soldiers likely to side with the people Lamorici?re's heroism June 1848 French army National characteristics Change in French only apparent Martin's History of France He is a centraliser and an absolutist Secret police

Reception in England Indian Mutiny Financial question Unpopularity of England Law of Public Safety

Talleyrand as a writer English ignorance of French affairs Change of feeling respecting Louis Napoleon 'Loi de suret? publique' Manner in which it has been carried out Deportation a slow death Influence of 'hommes de lettres' French army Russian army French navy Napoleon indifferent to the navy Mr. Senior's Athens journal Otho and Louis Napoleon Qualities which obtain influence Character of Louis Napoleon Tocqueville's comments on the above conversation Tocqueville on Novels Intellectual and moral inferiority of the age Education of French women 'Messe d'une heure' Influence of Madame R?camier Duchesse de Dino

Failing health Mr. Senior's visit to Sir John Boileau Promise of Lord Stanley Character of Guizot Spectacle afforded by English Politics Tocqueville at Cannes Louis Napoleon's loss of popularity Death of Alexis de Tocqueville Grief it occasioned in England

Mr. Senior's report of M. de Montalembert's speech in 1854

TOCQUEVILLE DURING THE EMPIRE

FROM DECEMBER 23, 1851 TO APRIL 20, 1858.

CONVERSATIONS

PARIS, 1851-2.

'This,' said Tocqueville, 'is a new phase in our history. Every previous revolution has been made by a political party. This is the first time that the army has seized France, bound and gagged her, and laid her at the feet of its ruler.'

I said that some persons, for whose judgment I had the highest respect, seemed to treat it as a contest between two conspirators, the Assembly and the President, and to think the difference between his conduct and theirs to be that he struck first.

'This,' said Tocqueville, 'I utterly deny. He, indeed, began to conspire from November 10, 1848. His direct instructions to Oudinot, and his letter to Ney, only a few months after his election, showed his determination not to submit to Parliamentary Government. Then followed his dismissal of Ministry after Ministry, until he had degraded the?office to a clerkship. Then came the semi-regal progress, then the reviews of Satory, the encouragement of treasonable cries, the selection for all the high appointments in the army of Paris of men whose infamous characters fitted them to be tools. Then he publicly insulted the Assembly at Dijon, and at last, in October, we knew that his plans were laid. It was then only that we began to think what were our means of defence, but that was no more a conspiracy than it is a conspiracy in travellers to look for their pistols when they see a band of robbers advancing.

'M. Baze's proposition was absurd only because it was impracticable. It was a precaution against immediate danger, but if it had been voted, it could not have been executed. The army had already been so corrupted, that it would have disregarded the orders of the Assembly. I have often talked over our situation with Lamorici?re and my other military friends. We saw what was coming as clearly as we now look back to it; but we had no means of preventing it.'

'But was not your intended law of responsibility,' I said, 'an attack on your part?'

'And how long,' I asked, 'will this tyranny last?'

'Surely,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'he will wish to remain at peace with England.'

'I am not sure at all of that,' said Tocqueville. 'He cannot sit down a mere quiet administrator. He must do something to distract public attention; he must give us a substitute for the political excitement which has amused us during the last forty years. Great social improvements are uncertain, difficult, and slow; but glory may be obtained in a week. A war with England, at its beginning, is always popular. How many thousand volunteers would he have for a "pointe" on London?

Our conversation was here interrupted by the entrance of the Abb? Gioberti, and of Sieur Capponi, a Sicilian.

'A long struggle was over, in which our part had not been timidly played; we had done our duty, we had gone through some perils, and we had some to encounter, and we were all in the high spirits which excitement and dangers shared with others, when not too formidable, create. From the courtyard in which we had been penned for a couple of hours, where the Duc de Broglie and I tore our chicken with our hands and teeth, we were transferred to a long sort of gallery, or garret, running along through the higher part of the building, a spare dormitory for the soldiers when the better rooms are filled. Those who chose to take the trouble went below, hired palliasses from the soldiers, and carried them up for themselves. I was too idle and lay on the floor in my cloak. Instead of sleeping we spent the night in shooting from palliasse to palliasse anecdotes, repartees, jokes, and pleasantries. "C'?tait un feu roulant, une pluie de bons mots." Things amused us in that state of excitement which sound flat when repeated.

We talked of Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope.

'It is of recent date,' said Corcelle. 'In January and February 1849 he was inclined to interfere in support of the Roman Republic against the Austrians. And when in April he resolved to move on Rome, it was not out of any love for the Pope. In fact, the Pope did not then wish for us. He told Corcelle that he hoped to be restored by General Zucchi, who commanded a body of Roman troops in the neighbourhood of Bologna. No one at that time believed the Republican party in Rome to be capable of a serious defence. Probably they would not have made one if they had not admitted Garibaldi and his band two days before we appeared before their gates.'

I mentioned to Tocqueville Beaumont's opinion that France will again become a republic.

'Was much money,' I asked, 'spent at his election?'

'Very little,' answered Tocqueville. 'The ex-Duke of Brunswick lent him 300,000 francs on a promise of assistance as soon as he should be able to afford it; and I suppose that we shall have to perform the promise, and to interfere to restore him to his duchy; but that was all that was spent. In fact he had no money of his own, and scarcely anyone, except the Duke, thought well enough of his prospects to lend him any. He used to sit in the Assembly silent and alone, pitied by some members and neglected by all. Silence, indeed, was necessary to his success.

'What is your report,' they asked, 'of the President's reception in Notre Dame. We hear that it was cold.'

'So,' I answered, 'it seemed to me.'

'I am told,' said Tocqueville, 'that it was still colder on his road. He does not shine in public exhibitions. He does not belong to the highest class of hypocrites, who cheat by frankness and cordiality.'

'Such,' I said, 'as Iago. It is a class of villains of which the specimens are not common.'

'What is the explanation,' he continued, 'of Kossuth's reception in England? I can understand enthusiasm for a democrat in America, but what claim had he to the sympathy of aristocratic England?'

'Our aristocracy,' I answered, 'expressed no sympathy, and as to the mayors, and corporations, and public meetings, they looked upon him merely as an oppressed man, the champion of an oppressed country.'

'I think,' said Tocqueville, 'that he has been the most mischievous man in Europe.'

'More so,' I said, 'than Mazzini? More so than Lamartine?'

At this instant Corcelle came in.

'We are adjusting,' said Tocqueville, 'the palm of mischievousness.'

'I am all for Lamartine,' answered Corcelle; 'without him the others would have been powerless.'

'But,' I said, 'if Lamartine had never existed, would not the revolution of 1848 still have occurred?'

'It would have certainly occurred' said Tocqueville; 'that is to say, the oligarchy of Louis Philippe would have come to an end, probably to a violent one, but it would have been something to have delayed it; and it cannot be denied that Lamartine's eloquence and courage saved us from great dangers during the Provisional Government. Kossuth's influence was purely mischievous. But for him, Austria might now be a constitutional empire, with Hungary for its most powerful member, a barrier against Russia instead of her slave.'

'I must put in a word,' said Corcelle, 'for Lord Palmerston. If Lamartine produced Kossuth, Lord Palmerston produced Lamartine and Mazzini and Charles Albert--in short, all the incendiaries whose folly and wickedness have ended in producing Louis Napoleon.'

'Notwithstanding,' I said, 'your disapprobation of Kossuth, you joined us in preventing his extradition.'

'Two days after, came a long remonstrance from Lord Palmerston, which Lord Bloomfield was desired to read to Nesselrode, and leave with him. A man of the world, seeing that the thing was done, would have withheld an irritating document. But Bloomfield went with it to Nesselrode. Nesselrode would have nothing to say to it. "Mon Dieu!" he said, "we have given up all our demands; why tease us by trying to prove that we ought not to have made them?" Bloomfield said that his orders were precise. "Lisez donc," cried Nesselrode, "mais il sera tr?s-ennuyeux." Before he had got half through Nesselrode interrupted him. "I have heard all this," he said, "from Lamorici?re, only in half the number of words. Cannot you consider it as read?" Bloomfield, however, was inexorable.'

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