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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Preface. ... 15

Documents of 1569

Documents of 1570

Documents of 1571-72

Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas. . ... 121 Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in the Philippines . ... 132 Conquest of the island of Luzon. Manila, April 20, 1572. ... 141 Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel; Manilla, June 19, 1572. ... 173

Documents of 1573

Documents of 1574

Documents of 1575-76

Bibliographical Data. ... 315

PREFACE The documents presented in this volume cover the last three years of Legazpi's administration in the islands, the governorship of Guido de Lavezaris, and the beginning of that of Francisco de Sande. In the brief period which we thus far survey, the first decade of Spanish occupation , are already disclosed the main elements of the oriental problem of today: the conflicting claims of powerful European nations, striving for advantage and monopoly in the rich trade of the East; the eagerness of unscrupulous Europeans to subjugate the wealthy but comparatively defenseless Chinese people, and the efforts of the latter to exclude foreigners from their country; the relations between the dominant whites and the weaker colored races; the characteristics, racial and local, of the various oriental peoples; the Chinese migration to the islands; and the influence of the missionaries. Interesting comparisons may be made between the conquests by the Spaniards in the Philippines and those made at an earlier period in New Spain.

The royal treasurer in the Philippines, Guido de Lavezaris, writes to Felipe II, describing the Portuguese attack on Ceb? in the preceding autumn, and briefly mentioning some other matters. A letter from another official, Andr?s de Mirandaola , informs the king of the wreck of a vessel despatched to Spain with a rich cargo of spices; and he too describes briefly the encounter with the Portuguese. The danger of another attack leads the Spaniards to remove their camp to Panay, as being safer than Ceb?. Mirandaola pleads for re?nforcements, and asks that soldiers, of more industrious sort than hitherto, be sent to the islands. He also gives some interesting information about China and its people; and asks for an increase of his salary.

A letter from Legazpi to the viceroy of New Spain describes the difficulties between the Portuguese and Spaniards at Ceb?, and complains of Pereira's hostile actions there. The settlement has been removed to Panay; they send their only remaining ship to New Spain, to entreat aid in their distress and imminent danger, for the Portuguese threaten to drive the Spaniards out of the Philippines. All the expense hitherto incurred will be wasted unless a permanent and suitably-equipped settlement be made at some good port. If supplies cannot be sent, Legazpi asks for ships with which to transport the Spaniards home, and wishes to resign his office as governor. With this letter he sends an account of the islands, "and of the character and condition of their inhabitants." The natives are unreliable, and utterly slothful. Cinnamon is the only product of the islands which can be made profitable to the Spaniards, until they can secure control of the gold mines, and have them worked. Legazpi offers practical advice as to the best methods of treating the natives, conducting commerce, etc. His title of governor in Ceb? is confirmed by royal decree.

A letter from Fray Diego de Herrera to Felipe II gives a brief account of events since Legazpi arrived at the islands. He praises the courage and loyalty of the soldiers, and asks the king to reward them; and asserts that the hostilities of the Portuguese must be checked before much can be done to convert the natives. A document without signature narrates the events of "the voyage to Luz?n" in May, 1570. It is a simple but picturesque account of the campaign which resulted in the conquest of Luz?n and the foundation of Spanish Manila--evidently written by one who participated in those stirring events. The Moros of Manila profess a readiness to make a treaty of peace with the Spaniards; but they treacherously begin an attack on the latter--which, however, results in their own defeat. The Spaniards capture the city and set it on fire, which compels the Moros to abandon it. The victors make compacts of peace with the neighboring villages, and return to Panay. Illustrative of this episode is the "act of taking possession of Luz?n," dated June 6, 1570.

A letter from Legazpi to the king outlines the events of the past year. He renews his entreaties for some light-oared vessels, in which he could send exploring parties through the archipelago. In pursuance of a royal order, he sends back to Mexico the Portuguese who are among his troops; but he cannot banish the other foreigners, as they include his best workmen. He asks royal favor and rewards for some of his officers. On October 21 of the same year, he despatches to the king a formal complaint that Pereira had again appeared at the Spanish settlement , and demolished its fortifications.

A writer unknown gives an outline of the controversies regarding the Line of Demarcation, and of the Spanish discoveries in the Philippines, and the voyages made between the archipelago and Mexico, up to 1571. Lists of supplies needed for the struggling colony forcibly indicate the difference between the wants of civilized Europeans and those of the semi-barbarous tribes in the Philippines.

Another picturesque account of the reduction of Luz?n is furnished by an unknown writer, who claims to have obtained his information from actual participants in that campaign. He mentions various interesting details not included in the earlier account, and narrates occurrences after the conquest of Manila. Legazpi goes to that place to establish his official residence; the natives at his approach set fire to the village, which they had rebuilt after its destruction by the Spaniards in the preceding year. The seat of government for the archipelago is founded there; and amicable relations are established between the Spaniards and the people of some neighboring villages. Other communities refuse to make submission, and defy the invaders; but they are successively reduced to subjection by the Spaniards. After narrating these transactions, the writer gives a brief description of the people of Luz?n, their mode of dress, religious rites, and various customs; and makes commendatory mention of the Chinese who have settled on that island, who are now converted to the Christian faith. He then enumerates the islands thus far explored by the Spaniards, mentioning their principal resources and products. In June, 1572, Legazpi formally establishes the Spanish city of Manila, and appoints municipal officers.

An official statement is made by Legazpi's son Melchior, royal accountant in New Spain , of the expenses attending the Philippine enterprise during the past four years. Layezaris makes report of Legazpi's death , and of affairs in the islands since then. Allotments of lands which include the natives who reside thereon , are being made in the islands, as fast as they are pacified. Most of Luz?n is now subdued; its resources are great, and will maintain numerous Spanish settlements. The Chinese trade with its ports is extensive, and steadily increasing; and those traders are bringing wares of better quality than formerly. Lavezaris complains of Portuguese hostility and intrigues; a Bornean king also has attempted an expedition against the Spaniards. The governor sends a cargo of cinnamon to Felipe; if only he had ships in which to transport that precious commodity, he could ruin the Portuguese trade therein. This enterprising official has sent to New Spain plants of ginger, tamarind, cinnamon, and pepper; the first two are already flourishing there. He suggests that it would be well to send to the islands Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries, to continue the conversion of the natives, already begun by the Augustinians. He asks rewards for his officers, as having faithfully served the king amid great dangers and hardships--especially Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo. He advises that municipal officers be changed annually to prevent abuses.

A Spanish captain, Diego de Artieda, writes a "Relation of the Western Islands." He enumerates the islands thus far discovered by the Spaniards, describing their location, appearance, and natural resources. He adds much curious information about the natives--concerning their religious beliefs and rites, customs, mode of dress, weapons, food, industries, social condition, etc. Artieda notes all that he has been able to learn concerning Japan and China, with interesting details as to their civilization, and the skill of the Chinese as artisans; he mentions the antiquity of printing among them. He offers to conduct an armed expedition against the coast of China, if the king will supply him with two vessels and eighty soldiers. He advises that Spain abandon the attempt to establish a footing in the Philippines, or else that she ignore the Treaty of Zaragoza and trade with the Moluccas.

Martin Enriquez, viceroy of New Spain, writes to Felipe II, announcing the arrival of ships with despatches from the Philippines. With them has come the Augustinian friar Diego de Herrera, who is on his way to Spain to inform the king of the acts of violence and injustice which are being committed in the islands--especially by the soldiers, who receive no pay and therefore maintain themselves by raids on the native villages. Several Spanish officers have been sent thence to Mexico, by way of punishment for various misdemeanors; from them the viceroy has obtained much information, which he records for the king's benefit. The resources of the Philippines are great; but "every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is justice; and without justice there is no safety." A new governor is needed there. Re?nforcements and supplies have been sent thither from New Spain every year; but many persons die, and there has been little increase of population. The riches of China incline some of the Spaniards to plan for its subjugation to Spanish power. Commerce with that land would be very desirable; but the viceroy cannot persuade Spanish merchants to embark therein, on the uncertain and vague reports thus far received; moreover, the Chinese already possess all the goods that the Spaniards would export to them. Enriquez asks that some large ships be provided for the Philippine trade, for which he has no vessels of adequate size. He sends to the king a cargo of gold, spices, silks, wax, and other goods. He asks that artillery and rigging be sent him, and supplies for a re?nforcement which he is planning to despatch next year to the Philippines. He requests the king to reward the faithful services rendered by Legazpi; and to do so by providing for his daughters, now of marriageable age, and giving to his son Melchior some grant in New Spain. The viceroy asks for orders in various matters, especially in regard to the Inquisition; and enumerates the documents he sends with this letter.

Andr?s de Mirandaola writes to the king. He enumerates the gold mines thus far discovered in the Philippines, and the advantages possessed by the islands; and urges the establishment of Spanish power therein. He describes, as well as he can from reports, the extent and resources of China, and hints that Spain might find it worth while to conquer that rich kingdom.

Of much interest is the brief narrative by Fernando Riquel, Legazpi's notary, of events in the islands during 1570-73. The governor founds a town in Ceb?, and allots to his followers the land and the natives who reside thereon. In April, 1571 he conducts an expedition for the conquest of Luz?n . Riquel mentions the coming of the ships, Legazpi's death, and other events. The islands are in a peaceful condition; the lands are allotted in such districts as have been pacified; there is promise of an abundant income from the tributary natives; and the gold mines are very rich. The Chinese trade is described; and Riquel thinks that China, notwithstanding its great population, could be subjugated "with less than sixty good Spanish soldiers." His narrative is followed by a list of the articles carried in the ships which bear his letters--gold, spices, silks, cotton cloth, and porcelain.

On June 21, 1574 Felipe II bestows on Luz?n the title of "New kingdom of Castilla," and on Manila that of "Distinguished and ever loyal city;" and permits the establishment of a new municipal office. On the same day Fray Martin de Rada, provincial of the Augustinians in the Philippines, gives his written opinion regarding the exaction by the Spaniards of tributes from the Indians. He declares that he and all his brethren regard the conquests made in these islands as unjust; and denounces the acts of injustice, oppression, and extortion committed against the helpless natives. Rada asserts that the rate of tribute is three times as high as it ought to be, considering the poverty of the Indians; and urges the governor to reduce the amount levied to one-third of the present exaction, and to protect the natives from oppression.

Lavezaris and other officials at Manila undertake to defend themselves from Rada's accusations, writing a letter to the king to state their side of the contention. They deny some of Rada's statements, and excuse their action in other matters, casting the blame for many evils on the treachery of the natives. They claim that they are protecting the friendly Indians, and have nearly broken up the robbery and piracy formerly prevalent among those peoples. They assert that the natives are well supplied with food, clothing, and gold, and that the tribute levied is moderate, and not a burden on the people; also that it is regulated according to the relative wealth of different classes and regions. This is illustrated by interesting quotations of prices and values, and enumeration of goods obtained in trade, and of the products of native industry. The officials admit that the natives pay tribute only under compulsion, but say, "They like to be compelled to do so;" and they consider all poverty among the Indians as due to laziness and drunkenness. It is also far better for them to pay tribute than to be raided by the Spanish soldiers for the means of supporting themselves, as was done before the encomiendas were made.

Two letters from Lavezaris give account of the past year's events. Juan de Salcedo has conquered the rich province of Los Camarines in Luz?n; and the governor will try to found a Spanish settlement there. The town founded at Ceb? was almost deserted by the Spaniards; but Lavezaris obliges them to return thither and aids them in their poverty. He hopes to establish commerce with Borneo and eventually to found a Spanish post in that island; and has other plans for increasing the domination of Spain in the East Indies. Juan de Salcedo has subdued the province of Ilocos, and founded the town of Fernandina. The Chinese trade is steadily increasing. The natives of Luz?n are being rapidly converted, and missionaries are needed to care for their souls; Lavezaris especially recommends the Theatins for this work. He forwards a cargo of cinnamon to the king, to which he adds various curiosities, and specimens of oriental jewelry; and sends to New Spain certain plants and roots of economic value, which he desires to introduce there. He has been obliged to send Mirandaola to New Spain under arrest; so the office of factor is vacant, and should be filled. An attorney-general is also needful in the islands. Lavezaris complains of the Augustinian friars for opposing the collection of tributes from the natives. Some re?nforcements have come from New Spain. Upon receiving this letter, the royal Council orders that arrangements be made to furnish necessary supplies for the islands from New Spain. Another copy of the document is forwarded to Spain, to which, as it goes on a later vessel, the governor adds some further items of news. Sal?edo has pacified not only Los Camarines, but Albay and the island of Catanduanes. The prospect is excellent for the establishment and prosperity of Spanish colonies in the island of Luz?n. The governor sends with his letter maps of Luz?n and the coast of China. A letter from Lavezaris enumerates the reasons for which persons are enslaved among the native tribes. He advises that the Spaniards adopt this institution; otherwise, "this land cannot be preserved."

An undated letter by the same official, to the viceroy of New Spain, mentions the orders given by the latter that all Indians and negroes carried from the islands must be returned. Some Chinese junks have been seized and pillaged. As a result, the trade which was flourishing between the Spaniards and the Moros of Luz?n has been almost destroyed for the time--a serious matter, for the Moros supply the Spaniards with provisions. Lavezaris asks that more married men be sent to the islands. Some remarkably fine pearls have been obtained near Bantay?n. He asks the viceroy to provide him with a cipher code for future communications.

Captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado sends to Felipe II a report on the condition and needs of the Spanish colony in the Philippines. He begins by narrating briefly the conquest of Luz?n; then describes the island and its trade, which is carried on with both China and Japan. On account of its wealth and importance, Luz?n should be thoroughly subjugated; and Maldonado enumerates the provisions that should be made for that end. Forty or fifty ecclesiastics should be sent; and to aid in their labors a prelate should be appointed, for which post the writer recommends Fray Diego de Herrera. Maldonado urges that five hundred soldiers be sent from Spain and that with these troops conquest should be made of the Liu-Kiu and Japan Islands. He asks also for artisans to build ships, suggesting for this purpose the negro slaves thus employed at Havana.

The new governor, Francisco de Sande, issues a decree forbidding royal officials in the islands from holding encomiendas of Indians, and appropriating to the crown those formerly granted by Lavezaris. The affidavits annexed to this document enumerate the payments of tribute made by the natives, and indicate the need for Sande's action. The governor sends to the king a report of his first year's work, accompanied by a letter . He desires to subjugate China, an undertaking which he eloquently urges upon the king. This report will be given in the next volume.

March, 1903.

Documents of 1569

Letter from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Letter from Andres de Mirandaola to Felipe II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

There arrived at this island, where we had settled in your Majesty's name, Gonzalo Pereira with the fleet . He arrived on the second of October of the year five hundred and sixty-eight; and he came thus, with four galleons and six small galleys, which took position near this your Majesty's camp, after having gone through certain formalities and requisitions, as your Majesty will see by these letters. The said blockade lasted three months, during which they made war on us, not as on Christians, and your Majesty's vassals, but as against infidels and tyrants. They uttered all the insults and inflicted on us all the humiliations that they could, taking away from us the entrances to the harbors, whence came our provisions, and burning the houses and possessions of our neighboring friends--which certainly gave these pagan natives a great notion of cruelty, seeing that with such wicked ways and such cruelty the Portuguese were trying to hurt and annoy us. And in this way, seeing that by fighting they might lose more than they would gain, they did not care to fight, but resolved to take, on the side toward the sea, the harbor entrances with their ships, as they were fully aware that we had nothing with which to resist them. Accordingly, they kept us shut up; and in all this time no food or anything else could be brought in for our support, for which reason we ran a great risk of perishing and dying in great misery. The governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, acted with the power delegated to him by your Majesty, doing in everything all that was possible, as was evident by the messages and requests to which I refer, which were made in your Majesty's name.

It has pleased God that through some loss of his men, who died from diseases, the Portuguese should raise the blockade on New Year's Day of this year five hundred and sixty-nine. He went away with his fleet, without leave-taking or without saying anything more than to warn us that he would return in a short time, with forces enough to crush and destroy us. Therefore it was decided to change the site and situation of this camp to a province called Panae, where it is believed that we can hold out until your Majesty provide us with help and re?nforcements, in order that your Majesty's affairs and vassals may not be so injured by the vassals of the king of Portugal- a place where no damage may be done, for never since these parts were discovered have the Portuguese resorted thither, and neither the king of Portugal nor his vassals had trade or commerce, nor can they possess anything there. Therefore your Majesty will understand how little respect the Portuguese have--in your Majesty's absence, and in a place where they can act thus--for what is due to your Majesty. They are willing to execute very correctly the conditions and clauses of the agreement, that is to say those conditions that are in their favor, but will not admit any excuse or exoneration however reasonable or legitimate it may be. We are quite certain that your Majesty will already have taken action in these matters, so that the Portuguese cannot continue to harass us. This present enterprise is of such a nature that, if your Majesty wishes to continue it--an enterprise so long desired, and in which God has afforded your Majesty so fortunate and evident a result--it offers God a great increase of his Catholic faith, which may be cultivated in these regions, and to your Majesty an increase of great kingdoms and seigniories. As I have said above, the continuance of the liberty due to our government in these lands would assure your Majesty of being served with the greatest diligence and care, such service being especially necessary. I have to report, as your Majesty's faithful servant and vassal, that the persons appointed to your Majesty's royal service are of little experience, and that any business, however light it is, gives them a fright. Accordingly, they content themselves with doing little, and continually oppose certain things which have been discussed touching the royal treasury--as has occurred in the case of the fifths, for which my companions asked, during my absence, in a certain council that was held, telling the captains that for the present these ought not to be given. And although I do not believe that the amount is yet so heavy that it could swell your Majesty's royal treasury, through the good custom and law permitted by God, which that would put an end to--the answer that I gave when they notified me of it, was that, since they were like myself, your Majesty's servants and vassals they were in duty bound to increase your Majesty's crown and royal estate, to the best of their ability, and ought to do so.

I humbly beg and beseech your Majesty that you will grant me the favor of increasing my salary to three thousand ducats, in consideration of the poorness of the country and the fact that we have to be supplied from Espa?a and your Majesty's realms with what we need to maintain ourselves. Consider also the position that was granted me in your Majesty's name by Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Nueva Espa?a ; I have served until now in these districts as your Majesty's faithful servant, enduring great hardships and misery; and that, in order to join this expedition, I spent my patrimony and ran into debt besides, to the extent of many gold pesos.

Your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses your Majesty's royal feet.

Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to the Marques de Falces

After the blockade had been raised, and we saw the great need and distress into which they had brought us, the captains and leaders of the camp discussed the course which was to be taken for our defense in case the Portuguese should return hither, as they are likely to do. All agreed that we should change our location and settlement, because it would be impossible to defend ourselves here where they could, simply by closing the entrances to the port, as they did at first, starve us, on account of the lack of food on this island. In view of other causes and arguments set forth for this change, we thought that the river Panae, situated forty leagues from this place, would be a more suitable site, for it abounds in rice, and no one from the sea could prevent us from going up the river to the mountains. Accordingly we have removed thither the artillery, although the quantity of powder and ammunition now remaining is so small that the artillery can be of little help in any place. We have decided to send the companies around the river into other towns, where they can sustain themselves until we hear from the enemy.

Before now I have written that if his Majesty has an eye only on the Felipina islands, they ought to be considered of little importance, because at present the only article of profit which we can get from this land is cinnamon; and unless order is established and a settlement is made, his Majesty will continue to waste money--although since then I well understand that this land possesses regions which would more than pay for the money spent on them. If his Majesty desires more important things hereafter, he needs to have a settlement here with a sure harbor and port. In order that a better explanation may be given concerning what I am saying, I send to your Excellency a summary relation on the nature of this country and of the natives, so that your Excellency may examine it and provide what is most necessary for the service of God and his Majesty and for the welfare of this land. I also send with this letter the register of the flagship, so that it may be learned what it was carrying, and what of the cargo was lost.

From this island of ?ubu, July seven, 1569.

Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of the Character and Conditions of their Inhabitants.

This archipelago is composed of many islands. Some of them are large, and most of them thickly populated, especially on the seacoast and all along the rivers. The mountains are also inhabited; but there are not as many large towns as along the coast and the rivers. The inhabitants of these islands are not subjected to any law, king, or lord. Although there are large towns in some regions, the people do not act in concert or obey any ruling body; but each man does whatever he pleases, and takes care only of himself and of his slaves. He who owns most slaves, and the strongest, can obtain anything he pleases. No law binds relative to relative, parents to children, or brother to brother. No person favors another, unless it is for his own interest; on the other hand, if a man in some time of need, shelters a relative or a brother in his house, supports him, and provides him with food for a few days, he will consider that relative as his slave from that time on, and is served by him. They recognize neither lord nor rule; and even their slaves are not under great subjection to their masters and lords, serving them only under certain conditions, and when and how they please. Should the master be not satisfied with his slave, he is at liberty to sell him. When these people give or lend anything to one another, the favor must be repaid double, even if between parents and children, or between brothers. At times they sell their own children, when there is little need or necessity of doing so.

These people declare war among themselves at the slightest provocation, or with none whatever. All those who have not made a treaty of peace with them, or drawn blood with them, are considered as enemies. Privateering and robbery have a natural attraction for them. Whenever the occasion presents itself, they rob one another, even if they be neighbors or relatives; and when they see and meet one another in the open fields at nightfall, they rob and seize one another. Many times it happens that half of a community is at peace with half of a neighboring community and the other halves are at war, and they assault and seize one another; nor do they have any order or arrangement in anything. All their skill is employed in setting ambuscades and laying snares to seize and capture one another, and they always try to attack with safety and advantage to themselves.

The land is fertile, and abounds in all provisions common to this region. If at times some places lack the necessaries of life, it is because the natives are the laziest people in the world, or because they are forced to leave their towns through war, or for other reasons. The land is neither sowed nor cultivated. Another cause for the lack of provisions is, that they have so little authority over their slaves. They are satisfied with what is necessary for the present, and are always more ready to rob their neighbors of their possessions, than to work and cultivate their own land.

More or less gold is found in all these islands; it is obtained from the rivers, and, in some places, from the mines, which the natives work. However, they do not work the mines steadily, but only when forced by necessity; for because of their sloth and the little work done by their slaves, they do not even try to become wealthy, nor do they care to accumulate riches. When a chief possesses one or two pairs of earrings of very fine gold, two bracelets, and a chain, he will not trouble himself to look for any more gold. Any native who possesses a basketful of rice will not seek for more, or do any further work, until it is finished. Thus does their idleness surpass their covetousness. In spite of all this, we see that the land possesses much gold; for all men, whether they be chiefs or not, whether freemen or slaves, extract and sell gold, although in small quantities. Then, too, many ships come every year to these islands, from Bornei and Luzon, laden with cloth and Chinese goods, carrying back gold with them; yet, with all this regular withdrawal of gold, the natives have always gold enough with which to trade. All these things permit us to infer that, if the mines were worked steadily and carefully by Spaniards, they would yield a great quantity of gold all the time. Nevertheless, in some places where we know that mines exist, the natives do not care to work them; but, on the arrival of the foreign vessels for purposes of barter, they strike a bargain with those foreigners and allow them to work in the mines for a period agreed upon. From this it is clearly evident how slothful these people are.

There are places in these islands where pearls can be found, although they are not understood or valued by the natives; therefore they do not prize them, or fish for them. Cinnamon is also to be found here, especially in the island of Mindanao, where a large quantity of it is gathered on the headland called Quavit, and in Samboaga and other parts of the said island. In some places we have seen pepper trees and other drugs which the natives do not value or cultivate--from which, with care and cultivation, they might derive and obtain profit.

At present cinnamon is the only article in the land from which we can derive profit; for, as I have said above, the gold supply will always be small until the mines are worked. I believe that if the land is settled and peopled by Spaniards, we shall be able to get plenty of gold, pearls, and other valuable articles. We shall also gain the commerce with China, whence come silks, porcelains, benzoin, musk, and other articles. Thus partly through commerce and partly through the articles of commerce, the settlers will increase the wealth of the land in a short time. In order to attain this, the first and foremost thing to be attempted is colonization and settlement. Through war and conquest, carried on by soldiers, who have no intention to settle or remain in this country, little or no profit will result; for the soldiers will rather impoverish the land than derive profit from it.

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