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Transcriber's note: The 18th-century text showed direct quotation in a number of ways, including italics and continuous quotation marks. In this e-text, longer italicized passages are shown as block quotes without quotation marks, while passages with marginal quotes are shown as block quotes with quotation marks.
A list of corrections to the text can be found at the end of the file.
A VOYAGE TO CACKLOGALLINIA
With a Description of the Religion, Policy, Customs and Manners of that Country
CAPTAIN SAMUEL BRUNT
Reproduced from the Original Edition, 1727, with an Introduction by
MARJORIE NICOLSON
INTRODUCTION
Fortunately the authorship of the work is of little importance. It lives, not because of anything remarkable in the style or anything original in its author's point of view, but because of its satiric reflection of the background of its age. It is republished both because of its historical value and because of its peculiarly contemporary appeal today. Its satire needs no learned paraphernalia of footnotes; it can be readily understood and appreciated by readers in an age dominated on the one hand by economics and on the other, by science. Its satire-- not too subtle--is as pertinent in our own period as it was two hundred years ago. Its irony is concerned with stock exchanges and feverish speculation. It is a tale of incredible inflation and abrupt and devastating depression. Its "voyage to the moon" has not lost its appeal to men and women who can still remember a period when human flights seemed incredible and who have lived to see "flying chariots" spanning oceans and continents and ascending into the stratosphere.
Of the many speculative schemes of the early eighteenth century, none is better known than the "South Sea Bubble." After a long period during which English trade with the Spanish West Indies was carried on by subterfuge, an Act of Parliament in 1710 incorporated into a joint-stock company the state creditors, upon the basis of their loan of ten million pounds to the Government and conferred upon them the monopoly of the English trade with the Indies. In spite of these advantages, however, the South Sea Company found itself so hampered and limited in credit that it offered to convert the national debt into a "single redeemable obligation" to the company in return for a monopoly of British foreign trade outside England. The immediate and spectacular effect of that offer is reflected in the many descriptions, both serious and satiric, of an era of speculation which to many generations might seem incredible--though not to this generation which has itself lived through an orgy of speculation.
Our greatest ladies hither come, And ply in chariots daily; Oft pawn their jewels for a sum To venture in the Alley.
The meteoric rise in the price of shares in the moon-mountain project of the Cacklogallinians is no greater than the actual rise in prices of shares during the South Sea Bubble, when, between April and July, 1720, shares rose from ?120 to ?1,020. The fluctuating market of the Cacklogallinian 'Change, which responded to every rumor, follows faithfully the actual situation in London in 1720; and the final crash which shook Cacklogallinian foundations--subtly suggested by Brunt's unwillingness to return and face the enraged multitude--is an echo of the crash which shook England when the Bubble was pricked.
But the century which elapsed between Godwin's fanciful tale and Brunt's fantastic romance felt the impact of the new science. No matter how clearly both tales draw from old traditions of legend and literature, no matter how many elements of fantasy remain, there is a profound and fundamental difference between them. Godwin's hero made his way to the moon by mere chance; it happened that he harnessed himself to his gansas during their period of hibernation. Too late, he discovered that gansas hibernate in the moon! The earlier voyage took only "Eleven or Twelve daies"--and that by gansa power! The earlier author did not suggest that his hero encountered any particular difficulties of respiration, nor did he pause to consider in detail the problem of the nature of the intervening air through which his hero passed.
But a hundred years of science had intervened between Godwin's tale and that of Captain Samuel Brunt. The later voyage to the moon is no less fantastic in its outlines than is the earlier, yet it shows clearly the impact of science upon popular imagination. The imagination of man had expanded with the expanding universe. Brunt takes care to indicate the vast distance between the earth and the moon by subtle mathematical suggestion. Although both travelers flew "with incredible swiftness," the eighteenth-century flyers found that it was "about a Month before we came into the Attraction of the Moon." Brunt's account of the preparation for the ascent into the orb of the moon is almost as careful as a modern account of an ascent into the stratosphere. His bird flyers lay their plans deliberately and upon the basis of the most recent scientific discoveries. There is nothing fortuitous about their final ascent. Brunt was clearly aware of the work of many scientists, notably Boyle, upon the nature and rarefaction of the air. His flyers proceed by slow stages, accustoming themselves gradually to the rarefied air, assisting their respiration by the use of wet sponges. They learn by experience the answer to the problems with which Godwin's mind had played but which many later scientific writers had considered more definitely: what is the nature of gravity; how far beyond the confines of the earth does it extend; what would happen to man could he "pass the Atmosphere"? The generation to which Captain Samuel Brunt belonged might still delight in the fantastic; but like our own generation, it insisted that fantasy must rest upon that which is at least scientifically possible, if not probable.
MARJORIE NICOLSON Smith College Northampton, Mass. Nov. 3, 1939
A VOYAGE TO CACKLOGALLINIA:
With a Description of the Religion, Policy, Customs and Manners, of that Country
CAPTAIN SAMUEL BRUNT
London: Printed by J. WATSON in Black-Fryers, and sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster. 1727
After this Discharge, they ran upon us with their Axes, and cruelly butcher'd my remaining four Companions.
They struck off the Heads of my Companions, which they carried with 'em to the Mountains, putting me in the Center of the Company.
He endeavoured to comfort me under my Afflictions in this barbarous Dialect; but I was so possess'd with the Notion of my being reserv'd to be murdered, that I received but little Consolation.
We marched very slowly, both on account of the Heat, and of the Plunder they had got from some Plantations; for every one had his Load of Kidds, Turkies, and other Provisions.
But were we to meet 'em upon even Terms, yet our Circumstances ought to inspire Resolution in the most fearful: For, were any among us of so poor a Spirit, to prefer Slavery to Death, Experience shews us, all Hopes of Life, even on such vile Terms, are entirely vain. It is then certainly more eligible to die bravely in Defence of our Liberty, than to end our Lives in lingring and exquisite Torments by the Hands of an Executioner. For my Part, I am resolved never to fall alive into the Hands of the Whites, and I think every one in the same Circumstances ought to take the same Resolution.
The Resolution was taken, to board on the Quarter, which they did; but seeing no body appear, they feared some Stratagem. However, some of the Crew ran into the Steerage and Great Cabbin; but seeing nobody, they went between Decks, and, upon Examination, found her a Ship abandon'd, and that she had Six Foot Water in the Hold. They took out of the Great Cabbin Two Chests of Pieces of Eight, with some Hammocks and Cloaths from between Decks, and so left her.
The next Day, we spied another Sail, which gave us Chase: We lay bye, till we saw she was an Overmatch for us; for by the Canvass she spread, we concluded her no less than a Man of War of Fifty Guns. We clapp'd upon a Wind, and made all the Sail, and lay as close as we possibly could, but it blowing a fresh Gale, we found she gain'd upon us. This obliged our Men to throw over the Treasure which they had found the Day before, and had been the Cause of no small Joy. Finding she still gained upon us, we threw over our Eight Guns, which together with the Wind's slackening, was the Means of our Escape; for now we visibly wrong'd the Ship, and in less than Six Hours, lost her.
The Loss of the Money was a considerable Affliction to the Crew, but that of their Guns was so great a one, it had well near set them all together by the Ears. Some condemn'd the Captain for ordering them to be thrown over, others justifying what he had done, as the only Means of their Escape. At length, good Words, and a Bowl of Punch the Captain made for each Mess, laid this Storm for a while; but that which at first pacify'd these turbulent Spirits, was what blew them up again: For when they were all drunk, the Boatswain said the Captain was a Coward, and took a Merchant-man for a Man of War: That his Fear had magnified the Object, and deprived them of the Means of either taking others, or defending themselves. This he said in the Captain's Hearing, who, without returning any Answer, took a Pistol from his Girdle, and shot him dead; and then seizing another Mutineer, he ordered him a Hundred Lashes at the Gangway, which were very honestly paid him.
After this, he called all Hands upon Deck, and told them he should not be fit to command so many brave Fellows, would he suffer any to insult him: That if any on board thought he was a braver Man than himself, he was ready to shew him his Error, either with his Fusil, Pistol, or Cutlass: That since they had done him the Honour to chuse him Captain, he would carry Command, which all brave and experienced Men knew necessary, and none but Cowards would murmur at. That, as to the Boatswain, he had deserved his Death, since one Mutineer was enough to breed Confusion in the Vessel, which must end in the Destruction of them all.
This resolute Procedure quash'd the Mutineers, and he ever after kept a strict Command, and was esteemed a gallant Man.
He order'd all the well Men upon Deck, and proposed it to 'em: They all agreed it was the best Course they cou'd take, and many of them advised to quit the Ship, for the first good Sloop which should fall in their Way. The Captain answered, it was Time enough to think of that when they had met with one for their Turn.
They now fell to knotting and splicing the Rigging, when the Day began to be overcast, and threaten dirty Weather: The Thunder growl'd at a distance, and it began to blow hard; a smart Thunder-shower was succeeded by a Flash of Lightning, which shiver'd our Main-mast down to the Step. A dreadful Peal of Thunder follow'd; the Sea began to run high, the Wind minutely encreas'd, and dark Clouds intercepted the Day; so that we had little more Light, than what the terrifying flashes of Lightning afforded us. Our Captain, who was an able Seaman, at the first Signal of an approaching Storm, handed his Top-sails, took a Reef in his Foresail, and the Men were furling the Mainsail, when the Lightning shiver'd the Mast, which was cut away with the utmost Expedition. We lay some time under a Mizzen-balast, but were at last forc'd to put before the Wind, and, for Four Days, we scudded with the Goose-wings of our Foresail, in which Time we had not the least Glimpse of Sun or Stars, but by very short Intervals; nor indeed did I see them, till after we struck, but by Slatches. The Fifth Day, about Noon, our Foremast came by the board; we broach'd to, and a Sea fill'd us; we were at our Dying Rowls, and every Man gave himself for lost. But in this Danger, which ought to have awakened those unhappy Wretches, to some Care of their future Happiness, the Ship rang with Imprecations, and not a Word was uttered, not back'd with Oaths and Curses. However, it pleased the Great Disposer of Life and Death, that the Ship cleared her self of the Water, which had filled the Waist to the Top of the Gunnel. They did all they could to keep her Head to the Sea, and setting up a small Jury-mast, to which they clapp'd a Top-gallant-yard, we again scudded, altogether ignorant where we were; for a Sea which pooped us the second Day, had carried away the Binnacle with the Two Compasses; and they either had not, or knew not, where to find another. We left our selves to the Mercy of the Sea and Wind, for we had no other Party to take; and tho' the former run Mountain-high, yet finding the Ship made no Water, the Captain apprehended no Danger, but that of being drove on some Coast.
On the Tenth Day, about Nine in the Morning, we struck upon a Rock with that Violence, that those who were in their Hammocks were thrown out, and those who walk'd the Deck, were struck off their Legs. The Pumps were immediately try'd, and some ran into the Hold, and found the Ship made a great deal of Water. They plied the Pumps, but in less than ten Minutes, she struck again, and a Sea coming over us, I saw no more either of the Ship or the Crew. I rose by the Side of a large Timber, which I laid hold of, and got upon, heartily recommending my self to my Creator, and sincerely endeavouring to reconcile myself to my God, by an unfeigned Repentance of the Follies of my past Life, and by making a very solemn Resolution, that if his Mercy should preserve me from a Danger which none but his Omnipotence could draw me out of, to have, for the future, a strict Guard upon all my Thoughts, Words, and Actions, and to shew my Gratitude, by the Purity and Uprightness of my future Life.
As we naturally are fond of Life, I return'd Thanks to Providence for my Escape, and thought myself extreamly happy, tho' thrown on an unknown Coast, and destitute of every thing necessary to sustain me: But I trusted in that Goodness which had preserved, and which I hoped would provide for me. To despond, I thought, would be mistrusting the Bounty of our Creator, and might be the ready way to plunge me into the Miseries Men naturally apprehend in my Circumstances. I therefore heartily recommended me to the Divine Protection, and enter'd the Woods which lay along the Coast.
Let any Man suppose himself in my Circumstances, and he will much easier form an Idea, than I describe the Agony I was in on this surprizing Accident. The Sun was two Hours high before I durst descend; but seeing nothing to apprehend, I came down, prosecuted my Journey, as I had begun, Eastward. In three Hours, or thereabout, I came to the Extremity of the Wood, which was bounded by a large Meadow, enamell'd with the most beautiful-coloured Flowers, and hedg'd on the three other Sides with Limes, and with large Orange-Trees, placed at equal Distances in the Fence. This, with the Prospect I had of Corn Fields, made me conclude the Country inhabited by a civiliz'd People.
What astonished me, was to see such a Number of Corn-fields and Pasture-grounds, in a flourishing Condition, and well fenced, and yet not meet with the least Track or Path. However, I walk'd on till about Three o' Clock, as I guess'd by the Sun, which, tho' it was excessive hot, was no way uneasy to me, being flickered by the Hedges. Being come to the Banks of a large River, bordered with Cedars, the tallest I ever saw, and being under no Apprehension of wild Beasts in a Country so well cultivated, I laid me down under one of the largest, and slept till the Sun was near setting; and doubtless, not having closed my Eyes the Night before, I should have continued my Nap, had I not been wakened with the Sound of human Voices.
After I had eat my Piece of Meat, a Bed was made for me in my Master's Chamber, whither he conducted me. He made Signs, that I should lye down, and was not a little astonish'd, I perceived, to see me open the Bedding, go into it, and cover my self up. The pulling off my Cloaths he did not wonder at, for the Rich and Great among 'em wear Mantles, and cover their Legs with fine Cloath.
The Minister got into his Palanquin, and his four Bearers flew off with him with that incredible Swiftness, his Attendance had much ado to keep up with it.
The next Morning, my Master taking me by the Sleeve with his Beak, led me out of Doors, and then walk'd forward. I stood still, and he returned, pull'd me by the Coat, and walk'd on again; by which I guess'd he would have me follow him, as I accordingly did, accompanied by one of his Servants, who kept by my Side. He went too fast, for me to keep him Company; which he perceiving, spoke to the Servant, and they took Wing together, and each of them laying hold on an Arm, lifted me about Thirty Foot from the Ground, and in Four Hours, alighted about a Quarter of a Mile distant from a very large Town.
I had forgot to acquaint the Reader, that before I began this airy Journey, my Master took a Mantle, which his Servant carried under his Wing, and cover'd me, that I had only an Open to see and respire: This was to prevent the Impertinence he might expect from the Mob at the Sight of such a Novelty as I was.
When we alighted, he made Signs to me to lye down, sent his Servant to the Town, and cover'd me all over. The Servant soon returned with a close Palanquin, which they made me Signs to go into, and I was in an Instant hurried thro' the Air, and set down in a Stable Yard, and conducted from thence into a little House, to which this Yard afforded the only Passage. Both the Avenue, and the Smallness of the House no way answerable to the Charge and Titles of the Minister to whom it belong'd, were Matter of Surprize to me; tho' I since learnt it was in him Policy, that he made no greater Figure in Town than a private Gentleman, not to encrease the Number of those who envied him; for tho' he was now Nine Foot high, yet in a late Reign he was dwindled from the Height peculiar to the Rank of his Family, of Six Foot Nine Inches, to Three Foot Ten. In the Country, I was told his Seat far exceeded any of the Royal Palaces, tho' as yet not finish'd, and both his Furniture and Equipage were answerable; and he never travelled without a great Number of Servants, who join'd him a Mile or two without the Gates.
He one Day sent for me into his Chamber, and accosted me in the following Words:
Probusomo I have suspended my Curiosity of enquiring whence, and how you came into this Kingdom, till we could perfectly understand each other, that I might not be troubled with an imperfect Relation: Now that you are Master of our Language, tell me of what Part of the World you are; whether you are of savage, or a civiliz'd Nation? if of the latter, what is your Policy, what are your Manners and Customs, and what Accident brought you hither?
I told his Excellency, that I did not doubt their being such Men as he spoke them; that I was very young when I left my Country, and beside I was not born in a Rank which, had I been of riper Years, permitted me to meddle with State Affairs: However, I had heard from my Elders, that none were elected, till the King sent his Mandates to the several Provinces, ordering them to chuse the wisest among them to assist his Majesty with their Advice: And as the Interest of each Province in particular, and of the whole Nation in general, turn'd upon the Probity and Judgment of the Representatives, to whom an unlimited Power was delegated, it did not stand to Reason, that they would make Choice of any, whose Love for his Country, whose Sagacity and Honour they had not made Proof of; or at least, whose Life did not give them Hopes, that he would prove a real Patriot.
My Lord, said I, our great Men are the brightest Examples of Piety. Their Veracity is such, that they would not for an Empire falsify their Word once given. Their Justice won't suffer a Creditor to go from their Gate unsatisfied: Their Chastity makes them look on Adultery and Furnication the most abominable Crimes; and even the naming of them will make their Bloods run cold. They exhaust their Revenues in Acts of Charity, and every great Man among us is a Husband and Father to the Widow and Orphan. They esteem themselves Stewards to the Poor, and that in a future State they are accountable for every Doit lavish'd in Equipage or superfluous Dishes. Their Tables are not nicely, but plentifully served, and always open to the honest Needy. At Court, as I have learn'd, there is neither Envy nor Detraction, no one undermines another, nor intercepts the Prince's Bounty or Favour by slandrous Reports; and neither Interest, Riches, nor Quality, but Merit only recommends the Candidate to a Post: A Bribe was never heard of there; which, together with the exact Justice practised, is the Reason that a Minister, after Twelve or Fourteen Years, shall die not a Doit richer than he was at the Entrance upon his Office: Nay, I've been told, that a Paymaster General of the Army, after he had past his Accounts before the Grand Council of the Nation, with a general Applause, found his Patrimony so impoverish'd by his Charity to Soldiers Widows, he was oblig'd to turn Merchant for his Support; but being unfortunate, he petition'd for a small Government.
He left the Room, and I retired to my Apartment, where none cou'd come at me, but who pass'd thro' my Lord's, which was Death to do, or even to fly within Twenty Yards of his House, without Permission. Nay, the proudest among them, and those of the highest Rank alight at his Outer-gate, and walk into the House.
The next Morning my Lord came into my Apartment:
"You that don't know what a Court is should receive some Idea of it before you enter there. You must first be informed, that Emperors do not always trouble themselves with the Affairs of State; for they sometimes pass their whole Lives in a continued Round of indolent Pleasures, while their Favourites govern all. I don't doubt but you have already made your Observation upon the servile Crowd who attend my Motions, who wait upon my Commands, with an Obsequiousness that perhaps is not practised in your Parts of the World, betwixt Creatures of the same Species, yet many of them hate me, as I do them,--perhaps you'll think this strange; but when the secret Springs of this Attachment to my Interest come to unfold themselves to you, which will soon happen, by the Observations I see you are capable of making, your Admiration will cease. However, I shall be a little particular in explaining some Matters to you, that you may thereby be the better qualified to serve my Interest.
"You must then know, that all this assiduous Court is not paid to my Person, but to my Place. They know, that I not only hold the Reins of the Government in my Hands, but keep the publick Treasure under my own Eye, and that the Power of giving is only mine. It is not their Love, but their Avarice, that makes them thus obedient to my Nod; and the same Respect would be paid to the meanest of my Domesticks, were such a one put in my Place.
"Their Hatred to me proceeds from various Causes. In some it is Envy, because they think themselves affronted and injur'd by my great Rise, as knowing themselves to be of greater Consideration in their Country, and fancifying themselves themselves to be as well qualified by their Parts. Others again are out of Humour, because I do not comply with all their unreasonable Demands, their Luxury always keeping them necessitous. Some of these are such as have Parts enough to be troublesome; they are hard to be managed, and indeed are the most dangerous Creatures I have to deal with. There is a third Sort, who hate and oppose me, only because they love their Country, but these I don't much fear, for their Party is very weak at present.
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