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ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN EDITED BY PROFESSOR JULIUS E. OLSON

PAGE INTRODUCTION 3

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 14 The Ancestry of Gudrid 14 The Colonization of Greenland 15 Gudrid's Father emigrates to Greenland 20 The Sibyl and the Famine in Greenland 21 Leif the Lucky and the Discovery of Vinland 23 Thorstein's Attempt to find Vinland 26 The Marriage of Gudrid to Thorstein 27 The Ancestry of Thorfinn Karlsefni; his Marriage with Gudrid 30 Karlsefni's Voyage to Vinland 31 The First Winter in Vinland 34 Description of Vinland and the Natives 36 The Uniped; Snorri; the Captured Natives 40 Biarni Grimolfson's Self-sacrifice 42 Karlsefni and Gudrid's Issue 43

THE VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 45 Eric the Red and the Colonization of Greenland 45 Leif Ericson's Baptism in Norway 47 Biarni Herjulfson sights New Land 48 Biarni's visit to Norway 50 Leif's Voyage of Exploration 50 The Discovery of Grapes 52 Thorvald's Expedition to Vinland 54 Thorfinn Karlsefni's Expedition to Vinland 59 The Expedition of Freydis and her Companions 62 Karlsefni and Gudrid return to Iceland 65

FROM ADAM OF BREMEN'S DESCRIPTIO INSULARUM AQUILONIS 67

FROM THE ICELANDIC ANNALS 69 Annales Regii 69 From the Elder Sk?lholt Annals 69

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS EDITED BY PROFESSOR EDWARD G. BOURNE

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE LORDS, THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS, AND CHRIST?BAL COLON 77 Columbus appointed Admiral and Viceroy of such Mainland and Islands as he should Discover 77

TITLE GRANTED BY THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS TO CHRIST?BAL COLON OF ADMIRAL, VICEROY, AND GOVERNOR OF THE ISLANDS AND MAINLAND THAT MAY BE DISCOVERED 81 The Powers and Privileges of the Office of Admiral 82

JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 85

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL 259

INTRODUCTION 261 The New Islands Discovered 263 Description of their People and Products 265 Description of Espa?ola 268 Value of the Discoveries to Spain 268 A Fort built and Garrisoned 269 The Customs of the Inhabitants 270

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA CONCERNING THE COLONIZATION AND COMMERCE OF ESPA?OLA 273 The Regulations proposed for Settlements 274 The Regulations for Mining 275 The Regulations for Commerce 276

LETTER OF DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 279

INTRODUCTION 281 The Outward Voyage. Stopping at the Canary Islands 283 First Impressions of the Lesser Antilles 285 Intercourse with the Inhabitants 285 Their Cabins; their Arts 286 The Caribbees 287 Indications of Cannibalism 288 Customs of the Caribbees. They Eat their Captives 289 Return of Diego Marquez who had been Lost 291 A Clash with the Caribbees 293 Discovery and Description of Porto Rico 294 Arrival at Espa?ola 295 Following the Coast 297 Suspicious Circumstances; Fears for the Spaniards left at Navidad 298 Navidad in Ruins and the Garrison All Dead 300 Vestiges of the Settlement 301 Fixing upon the Site for a New Settlement 302 Columbus visits the Cacique Guacamari 304 Examining Guacamari's Wound 305 Guacamari's Amazement at seeing Horses 305 The Site selected for the New Settlement named Isabella 307 The Food and Clothing of the Natives 308 The Products of the Country 310 Columbus sends out Exploring Parties to Cibao and Niti 312 Conclusion 313

NARRATIVE OF THE THIRD VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS AS CONTAINED IN LAS CASAS'S HISTORY 315

INTRODUCTION 317 The Start. Arrival at Madeira 319 Three Ships despatched direct to Espa?ola 320 Columbus goes to the Canary Islands 323 The Lepers' Colony on the Island of Boavista, one of the Cape Verde Islands 324 Columbus at the Island of Santiago 325 He sails Southwest from the Cape Verdes. Intense Heat 327 Signs of Land 327 The Course is changed to the West 328 Discovery of Trinidad 331 August 1, 1498, the Mainland of South America Sighted 332 The Dangers of the Serpent's Mouth 334 Intercourse with Indians of the Mainland 335 Their Appearance and Arms 336 Fauna and Flora 338 Exploring the Gulf of Paria 340 Trading with the Indians 343 Columbus retains Six Indians as Captives 343 Nuggets and Ornaments of Gold 345 Indian Cabins 346 Exploring the Western End of the Gulf 347 Columbus's Reflections upon his Discoveries 348 The Terrors and Perils of the Boca del Drago 354 The Northern Coast of Paria 355 Columbus suffers from Inflammation of the Eyes 357 Columbus begins to believe the Land is Mainland 358 His Reasons for not Exploring It 360 Observations of the Declination of the Needle 363 The Products of the Country 364 Arrival at Santo Domingo, August 31, 1498 366

LETTER OF COLUMBUS TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 367

INTRODUCTION 369 The Injustice of the Treatment accorded to Columbus 371 Conditions in Espa?ola upon his Arrival 373 The Rebellion of Adrian de Muxica 374 The Conduct of the Commander Bobadilla 375 His Unwise Concessions to the Colonists 376 Bad Character of Some of the Colonists 378 Bobadilla's Seizure of the Gold set apart by Columbus 380 The Proper Standards by which Columbus should be Judged 381 Richness of the Mines in Espa?ola 382 Seizure of Columbus's Papers 383

LETTERS OF COLUMBUS ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 385

INTRODUCTION 387 Voyage to Espa?ola 389 A Terrible Storm 390 Storms on the Coast of Central America 391 Anxieties and Misfortunes of Columbus 392 Arrival at Veragua 394 Evidence that Columbus had reached the Extremity of Asia 395 Marinus's Views of the Extent of the Earth Confirmed 396 Exploring the Coast of Veragua 398 Recurrences of Storms 399 Excursion into the Interior of Veragua 401 Difficulties with the Natives 402 Columbus's Vision 403 Decides to return to Spain 405 Columbus arrives at Jamaica 406 No one else knows where to find Veragua 407 Some Features of the Country 408 The Arts of the Natives 409 The Gold brought to Solomon from the Far East 412 The Recovery of Jerusalem 413 Retrospect. Columbus's Justification 415 His Distressing Plight in Jamaica 418

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT EDITED BY PROFESSOR EDWARD G. BOURNE

INTRODUCTION 421

LETTER OF LORENZO PASQUALIGO TO HIS BROTHERS ALVISE AND FRANCESCO, MERCHANTS IN VENICE 423

THE FIRST LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO, AGENT OF THE DUKE OF MILAN, TO THE DUKE 424

THE SECOND LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO TO THE DUKE OF MILAN 425

DESPATCH TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA FROM PEDRO DE AYALA, JUNIOR AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ENGLAND, JULY 25, 1498 429

MAPS AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION

PAGE 1. MAP SHOWING THE ROUTES, OUTWARD AND RETURN, OF THE FOUR VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 88

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

INTRODUCTION

The Flat Island Book consists of transcripts of various sagas made by the Icelandic priests Jon Thordsson and Magnus Thorhallsson. Very little of their lives is known, but there is evidence to show that the most important portion of the copying was completed about 1380. There is, however, no information concerning the original from which the transcripts were made. From internal evidence, however, Dr. Storm of the University of Christiania thinks that this original account was a late production, possibly of the fourteenth century. It is, moreover, evident that this original account was quite different from the one from which the existing "Saga of Eric the Red" was made, so that we have two distinct accounts of the same set of events, both separately derived from oral tradition, a fact which, on account of the lack of harmony in details, has been the source of much confusion, but which nevertheless gives strong testimony concerning the verity of the Vinland tradition in its general outlines.

The saga which has best stood the test of modern criticism, namely the "Saga of Eric the Red," has beyond this fact the additional advantage of having come down to us in two different vellums. The one is found in Hauk's Book, No. 544 of the Arne-Magnaean Collection in Copenhagen, and the other is in No. 557 of the same collection. These two narratives tell the same story. They are so closely allied that the translation which appears in this volume has been made from a collation of both texts, that of Hauk's Book having been more closely followed. The Hauk's Book text is clearly legible; No. 557 is not in such good condition.

Many facts in the life of Hauk Erlendsson, who with the assistance of two secretaries made Hauk's Book, are known. He was in 1294 made a "lawman" in Iceland, and died in Norway in 1334. There are reasons for believing that the vellum bearing his name was written a number of years before his death, probably during the period 1310-1320. Hauk was particularly interested in the "Saga of Eric the Red," as he was descended from Thorfinn Karlsefni, the principal character of the saga, a fact that perhaps lends a certain authority to this version as against that of the Flat Island Book. Hauk brings the genealogical data of the saga down to his own time, which is not done in No. 557, one fact among others which shows that 557 is not a copy of 544.

The early history of AM. 557 is not known. The orthography and hand indicate that it was made later than Hauk's Book, probably in the early part of the fifteenth century. Vigfusson considered it a better text than the Hauk's Book version, though rougher and less carefully written. Other critics consider 544 the safer text.

The absence of contemporary record has caused some American historians to view the narratives of the Vinland voyages as ordinary hearsay. But it is important to remember that before the age of writing in Iceland there was a saga-telling age, a most remarkable period of intellectual activity, by means of which the deeds and events of the seething life of the heroic age were carried over into the age of writing. The general trustworthiness of this saga-telling period has been attested in numerous ways from foreign records. Thus Snorri Sturlason's "The Sagas of the Kings of Norway," one of the great history books of the world, written in Iceland in the thirteenth century, was based primarily on early tradition, brought over the sea to Iceland. Yet the exactness of its descriptions and the reliability of its statements have been verified in countless cases by modern Norwegian historians.

With reference to the Vinland voyages, there is proof of an unusually strong tradition in the fact that it has come down from two sources, the only case of such a phenomenon among the Icelandic sagas proper. It does not invalidate the general truth of the tradition that these two sources clash in various matters. These disagreements are not so serious but that fair-minded American scholars have found it "easy to believe that the narratives contained in the sagas are true in their general outlines and important features." It lies within the province of Old Norse scholarship to determine which of the two Vinland sagas has the better literary and historical antecedents. After this point has been established, the truthfulness and credibility of the selected narrative in its details must be maintained on the internal evidence in conjunction with the geographical and other data of early America. And here American scholarship may legitimately speak.

These sagas have in recent years been subjected, especially by Dr. Gustav Storm of Christiania, to most searching textual and historical criticism, and the result has been that the simpler narrative of Hauk's Book and AM. 557 is pronounced the more reliable account. In respect to literary quality, it has the characteristics of the Icelandic sagas proper, as distinguished from the later sagas by well-known literary men like Snorri. Where it grazes facts of Northern history it is equally strong. Thus, there is serious question as to the first sighting of land by Biarni Herjulfson, who is mentioned only in the Flat Island narrative, and nowhere else in the rich genealogical literature of Iceland, although his alleged father was an important man, of whom there are reliable accounts. On the other hand, the record of the "Saga of Eric the Red," giving the priority of discovery to Leif Ericson, can be collaterally confirmed. The whole account of Biarni seems suspicious, and the main facts, viewed with reference to Leif's discovery, run counter to Northern chronology and history. There are, however, two incidental touches in the Flat Island Book narrative, which are absent from the other saga, namely, the observation concerning the length of the day in Vinland, and the reference to finding "three skin-canoes, with three men under each." The improbabilities of the Flat Island Book saga are easily detected, if one uses as a guide the simpler narrative of the "Saga of Eric the Red," the only doubtful part of which is the "uniped" episode, a touch of mediaeval superstition so palpable as not to be deceptive.

Whether the savages that the sagas describe were Indians or Eskimos is a question of some interest. John Fiske believes that the explorers came in contact with American Indians; Vigfusson, on the other hand, believes that the sagas describe Eskimos. Here, however, the American has the better right to an opinion.

There is consequently no valid reason for doubting that the savages described in the sagas were natives of Vinland and Markland. But whether it can ever be satisfactorily demonstrated that the Norse explorers came in contact with Algonquin, Micmac, or Beothuk Indians, and just where they landed, are not matters of essential importance. The incontrovertible facts of the various Norse expeditions are that Leif Ericson and Thorfinn Karlsefni are as surely historical characters as Christopher Columbus, that they visited, in the early part of the eleventh century, some part of North America where the grape grew, and that in that region the colonists found savages, whose hostility upset their plans of permanent settlement.

In regard to the extract from Adam of Bremen, which we print, it should be observed that its only importance lies in the fact that it corroborates the Icelandic tradition of a land called Vinland, where there were grapes and "unsown grain," and thus serves to strengthen faith in the trustworthiness of the saga narrative. The annals and papal letters that follow need no further discussion, we think, than that contained in the annotations.

JULIUS E. OLSON.

FOOTNOTES:

Snorri, the Icelandic historian, says that "it was more than 240 years from the settlement of Iceland before sagas began to be written" and that "Ari was the first man who wrote in the vernacular stories of things old and new."

See notes 6 and 8 to Papal Letters, p. 71 of this volume.

See note 1, p. 43.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED

ALSO CALLED THE SAGA OF THORFINN KARLSEFNI

Now it is to be told, that one autumn, when Einar was in Iceland, he went with his wares out along Snaefellsness, with the intention of selling them. He came to Arnarstapi, and Orm invited him to remain with him, and Einar accepted this invitation, for there was a strong friendship . Einar's wares were carried into a store-house, where he unpacked them, and displayed them to Orm and the men of his household, and asked Orm to take such of them as he liked. Orm accepted this offer, and said that Einar was a good merchant, and was greatly favored by fortune. Now, while they were busied about the wares, a woman passed before the door of the store-house. Einar inquired of Orm: "Who was that handsome woman who passed before the door? I have never seen her here before." Orm replies: "That, is Gudrid, my foster-child, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Laugarbrekka." "She must be a good match," said Einar; "has she had any suitors?" Orm replies: "In good sooth she has been courted, friend, nor is she easily to be won, for it is believed that both she and her father will be very particular in their choice of a husband." "Be that as it may," quoth Einar, "she is a woman to whom I mean to pay my addresses, and I would have thee present this matter to her father in my behalf, and use every exertion to bring it to a favorable issue, and I shall reward thee to the full of my friendship, if I am successful. It may be that Thorbiorn will regard the connection as being to our mutual advantage, for he is a most honorable man and has a goodly home, his personal effects, I am told, are somewhat on the wane; but neither I nor my father are lacking in lands or chattels, and Thorbiorn would be greatly aided thereby, if this match should be brought about." "Surely I believe myself to be thy friend," replies Orm, "and yet I am by no means disposed to act in this matter, for Thorbiorn hath a very haughty spirit, and is moreover a most ambitious man." Einar replied that he wished for nought else than that his suit should be broached; Orm replied, that he should have his will. Einar fared again to the South until he reached his home. Sometime after this, Thorbiorn had an autumn feast, as was his custom, for he was a man of high position. Hither came Orm of Arnarstapi, and many other of Thorbiorn's friends. Orm came to speech with Thorbiorn, and said, that Einar of Thorgeirsfell had visited him not long before, and that he was become a very promising man. Orm now makes known the proposal of marriage in Einar's behalf, and added that for some persons and for some reasons it might be regarded as a very appropriate match: "thou mayest greatly strengthen thyself thereby, master, by reason of the property." Thorbiorn answers: "Little did I expect to hear such words from thee, that I should marry my daughter to the son of a thrall; and that, because it seems to thee that my means are diminishing, wherefore she shall not remain longer with thee since thou deemest so mean a match as this suitable for her." Orm afterward returned to his home, and all of the invited guests to their respective households, while Gudrid remained behind with her father, and tarried at home that winter. But in the spring Thorbiorn gave an entertainment to his friends, to which many came, and it was a noble feast, and at the banquet Thorbiorn called for silence, and spoke: "Here have I passed a goodly lifetime, and have experienced the good-will of men toward me, and their affection; and, methinks, our relations together have been pleasant; but now I begin to find myself in straitened circumstances, although my estate has hitherto been accounted a respectable one. Now will I rather abandon my farming, than lose my honor, and rather leave the country, than bring disgrace upon my family; wherefore I have now concluded to put that promise to the test, which my friend Eric the Red made, when we parted company in Breidafirth. It is my present design to go to Greenland this summer, if matters fare as I wish." The folk were greatly astonished at this plan of Thorbiorn's, for he was blessed with many friends, but they were convinced that he was so firmly fixed in his purpose, that it would not avail to endeavor to dissuade him from it. Thorbiorn bestowed gifts upon his guests, after which the feast came to an end, and the folk returned to their homes. Thorbiorn sells his lands and buys a ship, which was laid up at the mouth of Hraunh?fn. Thirty persons joined him in the voyage; among these were Orm of Arnarstapi, and his wife, and other of Thorbiorn's friends, who would not part from him. Then they put to sea. When they sailed the weather was favorable, but after they came out upon the high-seas the fair wind failed, and there came great gales, and they lost their way, and had a very tedious voyage that summer. Then illness appeared among their people, and Orm and his wife Halldis died, and the half of their company. The sea began to run high, and they had a very wearisome and wretched voyage in many ways, but arrived, nevertheless, at Heriolfsness in Greenland, on the very eve of winter. At Heriolfsness lived a man named Thorkel. He was a man of ability and an excellent husbandman. He received Thorbiorn and all of his ship's company, and entertained them well during the winter. At that time there was a season of great dearth in Greenland; those who had been at the fisheries had had poor hauls, and some had not returned. There was a certain woman there in the settlement, whose name was Thorbiorg. She was a prophetess, and was called Little Sibyl. She had had nine sisters, all of whom were prophetesses, but she was the only one left alive. It was Thorbiorg's custom in the winters, to go to entertainments, and she was especially sought after at the homes of those who were curious to know their fate, or what manner of season might be in store for them; and inasmuch as Thorkel was the chief yeoman in the neighborhood, it was thought to devolve upon him to find out when the evil time, which was upon them, would cease. Thorkel invited the prophetess to his home, and careful preparations were made for her reception, according to the custom which prevailed, when women of her kind were to be entertained. A high seat was prepared for her, in which a cushion filled with poultry feathers was placed. When she came in the evening, with the man who had been sent to meet her, she was clad in a dark-blue cloak, fastened with a strap, and set with stones quite down to the hem. She wore glass beads around her neck, and upon her head a black lamb-skin hood, lined with white cat-skin. In her hands she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was ornamented with brass, and set with stones up about the knob. Circling her waist she wore a girdle of touch-wood, and attached to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept the charms which she used when she was practising her sorcery. She wore upon her feet shaggy calf-skin shoes, with long, tough latchets, upon the ends of which there were large brass buttons. She had cat-skin gloves upon her hands, which were white inside and lined with fur. When she entered, all of the folk felt it to be their duty to offer her becoming greetings. She received the salutations of each individual according as he pleased her. Yeoman Thorkel took the sibyl by the hand, and led her to the seat which had been made ready for her. Thorkel bade her run her eyes over man and beast and home. She had little to say concerning all these. The tables were brought forth in the evening, and it remains to be told what manner of food was prepared for the prophetess. A porridge of goat's beestings was made for her, and for meat there were dressed the hearts of every kind of beast, which could be obtained there. She had a brass spoon, and a knife with a handle of walrus tusk, with a double hasp of brass around the haft, and from this the point was broken. And when the tables were removed, Yeoman Thorkel approaches Thorbiorg, and asks how she is pleased with the home, and the character of the folk, and how speedily she would be likely to become aware of that concerning which he had questioned her, and which the people were anxious to know. She replied that she could not give an opinion in this matter before the morrow, after that she had slept there through the night. And on the morrow, when the day was far spent, such preparations were made as were necessary to enable her to accomplish her soothsaying. She bade them bring her those women, who knew the incantation, which she required to work her spells, and which she called Warlocks; but such women were not to be found. Thereupon a search was made throughout the house, to see whether any one knew this . Then says Gudrid: "Although I am neither skilled in the black art nor a sibyl, yet my foster-mother, Halldis, taught me in Iceland that spell-song, which she called Warlocks." Thorbiorg answered: "Then art thou wise in season!" Gudrid replies: "This is an incantation and ceremony of such a kind, that I do not mean to lend it any aid, for that I am a Christian woman." Thorbiorg answers: "It might so be that thou couldst give thy help to the company here, and still be no worse woman than before; however I leave it with Thorkel to provide for my needs." Thorkel now so urged Gudrid, that she said she must needs comply with his wishes. The women then made a ring round about, while Thorbiorg sat up on the spell-da?s. Gudrid then sang the song, so sweet and well, that no one remembered ever before to have heard the melody sung with so fair a voice as this. The sorceress thanked her for the song, and said: "She has indeed lured many spirits hither, who think it pleasant to hear this song, those who were wont to forsake us hitherto and refuse to submit themselves to us. Many things are now revealed to me, which hitherto have been hidden, both from me and from others. And I am able to announce that this period of famine will not endure longer, but the season will mend as spring approaches. The visitation of disease, which has been so long upon you, will disappear sooner than expected. And thee, Gudrid, I shall reward out of hand, for the assistance, which thou hast vouchsafed us, since the fate in store for thee is now all made manifest to me. Thou shalt make a most worthy match here in Greenland, but it shall not be of long duration for thee, for thy future path leads out to Iceland, and a lineage both great and goodly shall spring from thee, and above thy line brighter rays of light shall shine, than I have power clearly to unfold. And now fare well and health to thee, my daughter!" After this the folk advanced to the sibyl, and each besought information concerning that about which he was most curious. She was very ready in her responses, and little of that which she foretold failed of fulfilment. After this they came for her from a neighboring farmstead, and she thereupon set out thither. Thorbiorn was then sent for, since he had not been willing to remain at home while such heathen rites were practising. The weather improved speedily, when the spring opened, even as Thorbiorg had prophesied. Thorbiorn equipped his ship and sailed away, until he arrived at Brattahlid. Eric received him with open arms, and said that it was well that he had come thither. Thorbiorn and his household remained with him during the winter, while quarters were provided for the crew among the farmers. And the following spring Eric gave Thorbiorn land on Stokkaness, where a goodly farmstead was founded, and there he lived thenceforward.

When I came, these brave men told me, Here the best of drink I'd get, Now with water-pail behold me,-- Wine and I are strangers yet. Stooping at the spring, I've tested All the wine this land affords; Of its vaunted charms divested, Poor indeed are its rewards.

And when they were ready, they hoisted sail; whereupon Thorhall recited this ditty:

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