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Hakluyt, "Principal Navigations," vol. viii. p. 3.

"A report of the voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida, lying under very temperate climes, esteemed fertile and rich in minerals, yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by God's speciall assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire." See Hakluyt , vol. viii. pp. 34 seq.

EARLY HISTORY . BEGINNING OF A PERFECT ENGLISH COLONY

The hardy sailors, mainly from the west country, who carried on the trade for England, came when the season began, and sailed away with its close, returning in the following year to the portion of the beach which each crew had pegged out for its own operations. A feeling of proprietorship soon sprang from uninterrupted user, and signs of jealousy appeared of any attempt at permanent settlement. This local feeling, combining with interested influence at home, did much to stunt the growth of the colony; the old colonization theory inherited from Spain was still powerful, for the American Revolution had not yet revealed the handwriting on the wall.

After the colonization of Virginia and Maine had begun, Sir John Popham, who had done much to set on foot the schemes relative to these American settlements, recollecting the attempts that had been made to colonize Newfoundland, suggested to the merchant adventurers of Bristol that they should make new efforts to establish colonies on the island. The King's support having been promised, funds were raised, and a royal charter was granted to a company on April 27th, 1610, designated "The Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of London and Bristol for the Colony or Plantations in Newfoundland." London and the West of England were thus associated, as they had been in the Virginian Company of 1606. There were forty-six members, including the Earl of Northampton, Sir Francis Bacon, Thomas Aldworth, Mayor of Bristol, John Guy and Philip Guy of Bristol; and the territory granted to them comprised the lands from Cape St. Mary to Cape Bonavista. The same year John Guy, the first Governor, led out the first colony to Newfoundland, landed at Conception Bay, and selected for his capital Cuper's Cove . Guy and his companions then built a fort, a dwelling-house, a workshop, and a boat, sowed corn, and made preparations for the winter. Next fishing ordinances were issued by the Governor. "That struck the first note of a conflict which was to last for 150 years, and of which the echoes may yet be heard. The fishermen, merchants, and seamen who flocked to the coast for the fishing season vehemently resented anything which might seem to threaten their turbulent lawlessness, and the great merchants in England, who were profiting by the fisheries, were jealous lest the planters should in some way interfere with their operations; but, for a time, the planters had sufficient influence through the patentees in England to maintain themselves." After a sojourn of six summers--though only three winters--in Newfoundland, Guy returned to Bristol, and spent the remainder of his life there in his aldermanic dignity.

He was succeeded in the Governorship by Captain John Mason who, together with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, founded New Hampshire and Maine. Mason stayed six years in the island; he explored it, prepared a map of it, encouraged the growth of corn successfully, and with less success endeavoured to establish commercial intercourse with the Red Indians.

In 1618 appeared the "Briefe discourse of the New-found-land by Captain John Mason." After a discerning account of the attractions of his theme, the writer concludes:

Disorders having occurred after Mason's arrival, Sir Richard Whitbourne, an Exmouth sea-captain who had had many years fishing experience in the Newfoundland waters, was despatched to investigate the disputes between the settlers and the fishermen. He reported that 250 sail of English fishermen, and 400 of "French, Portugals, and Biscaines" resorted to the coast. His mission failed, owing to the dilatory nature of the inquiry and the difficulties in getting the contesting parties to attend, as they were in scattered places. Then the merchants, having an eye to their own profit, proceeded to divide the occupied territory into a number of shares, which the recipients afterwards resold. "The colony from time to time shed portions of itself, division led to sub-division, and new characters appeared upon the scene." Other companies were thus formed, charters granted, and settlements made, most of which were confined to the peninsula of Avalon. With these enterprises several distinguished names were connected: for example, Sir William Vaughan, who sent out colonists in 1617 and 1618: Henry Cary, Lord Falkland, who bought land on the east coast, called it South Falkland, despatched a number of emigrants, but did not himself visit the island; Sir George Calvert, a leading Roman Catholic, who took out co-religionists.

In spite of all these drawbacks the island was gradually increasing in reputation. Writers, as well as returned "planters" and visitors, did much to make it known. Thus Sir Richard Whitbourne, to whom reference has already been made, wrote in his "Discourse of Newfoundland" : "Divers worshipful citizens of the City of Bristol have undertaken to plant a large circuit of that country, and they have maintained a Colony of his Majesties subjects there any time those five years who have builded there faire houses, and done many other good services, who live there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased to entertaine upon fit conditions such as wilbe Adventurers with them." And he quotes from a letter from Captain Wynne of August 17th, 1622: "At the Bristow Plantation there is as goodly rye now growing as can be in any part of England; they are also well furnished with swine, and a large breed of goates, fairer by farre than those that were sent over at the first."

In 1628 Robert Hayman, who accompanied the above-mentioned expedition of 1610, published a book entitled "Quodlibels, lately come over from New Britaniola, Old Newfound-Land," etc. Among the "epigrams" are a number of verses, in which he pays a tribute to leading North American colonizers, sets out the advantages offered by the new colony, and makes many apt and wise observations regarding colonization. The reader will no doubt welcome a few passages, which he may regard--to use Livy's phrase--as "deverticula amoena" in this account of our subject.

The aire in Newfound-land is wholesome, good; The fire, as sweet as any made of wood; The waters, very rich, both salt and fresh; The earth more rich, you know it is no lesse Where all are good, fire, water, earth, and aire, What man made of these foure would not live there?

Sweet creatures, did you truely understand The pleasant life you'd live in Newfound-land, You would with teares desire to be brought thither: I wish you, when you goe, faire wind, faire weather: For if you with the passage can dispence When you are there, I know you'll ne'r come thence.

Did some know what contentment I found there, Alwayes enough, most times somewhat to spare. With little paines, lesse toyle, and lesser care, Exempt from tanings, ill newes, lawing, feare....

What ayme you at in your plantation? Sought you the honour of our nation? Or did you hope to raise your owne renowne? Or else to adde a kingdome to a crowne? Or Christ's true doctrine for to propagate? Or drawe salvages to a blessed state? Or our o're peopled kingdome to relieve? Or shew poore men where they may richly live? Or poore mens children godly to maintaine? Or aym'd you at your owne sweete private gaine?

When you doe see an idle, lewd, young man, You say hee's fit for our plantation. Knowing your selfe to be riche, sober, wise You set your owne worth at an higher price. I say, such men as you are, were more fit, And most convenient for first peopling it: Such men as you would quickly profit here: Lewd, lazy lubbers, want wit, grace, and care.

Send forth your sons unto our new plantation; Yet send such as are holy, wise, and able.

In 1637 the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, who had been appointed three years before, resolved that the old colonial grants had lapsed, and transferred them to new patentees, prescribing, under the new fishing rules made by the Star Chamber , one system and area of control for settlers, and another for fishermen, and restricting their respective activities. The first Governor under this r?gime was Sir David Kirke, who established himself at Ferryland with a number of settlers variously estimated at from thirty to one hundred persons. His charter was a liberal one, embracing the whole island, and was the reward of his gallantry in the capture of Quebec. He introduced the practice of levying rent, imposing licence fees, and exacting an excise of 5 per 120 fish on alien fishermen. The convulsions of the Civil War were felt even in Newfoundland, and Kirke paid for his Royalism by the loss, under the Commonwealth, of his noble possession .

"The confused annals of this period can only be understood by remembering the existence of two antagonistic parties, the 'planters' and inhabitants on the one hand, who, being settled there, needed the protection of a government and police, with administration of justice; and the 'adventurers' or merchants on the other, who, originally carrying on the fishery from England, and visiting the island only for the season, needed no such protection for themselves, and had various reasons for preventing its being afforded to the others.

"If the Mother Country had only forgotten the island it would have prospered; but in 1633 the English merchants succeeded in procuring from the Star Chamber rules and regulations drawn solely to advance their own private interests, and these rules were supplemented always in the same direction, by the same oppressive agency."

The life of such as were allowed to remain must have been wild and strange, alternating between the populous alacrity of the fishing season and the hand to mouth struggle of the long winter months. Perhaps the amenities of life were not missed because they can hardly have been known; but the restrictions on building and the absence of local authority must early have given rise to bitterness and discontent. Certainly we must admire the constancy of men who were content to live, a solitary cluster, on the coast, with an unexplored interior and savage inhabitants behind them, and with no more secure prospect of material progress than a process of undetected squatting on the forbidden ground.

With regard to the plantations that have just been mentioned, reference may be conveniently made here by way of parenthesis to the survival in Newfoundland of certain terminology and customs, which form an interesting connecting-link between the early enterprises and modern usage and practice. In the words of a writer fully conversant with the present conditions of the island: "Because of its early 'plantations,' the word 'planter' is still current in the insular vocabulary, and the 'supplying system' still prevails, the solitary links which connect with these bygone days. A 'planter' in Newfoundland parlance is a fish trader on a moderate scale, the middleman between the merchant, who ships the cod to market and the toiler who hauls it from the water. 'Plantations' are yet interwoven with local tradition, and show on ancient maps and charts. The tenure of some has never been broken; the names and locations of others are perpetuated in the existing fishing hamlets which dot the shore line. Under the 'supplying system' the merchants and planters 'supply' the fisherfolk each spring with all the essentials for their adequate prosecution of the industry, and when the season ends, take over their produce against the advances, made them six months before. The 'merchants' are the descendants of the early 'merchant adventurers' who exploited the new-found Colony."

FOOTNOTES:

Stanford's "Compendium of Geography and Travel" : North America: vol. i. Canada and Newfoundland. Edited by H.M. Ami , p. 1009.

Stanford's "Compendium," pp. 1010, 1011.

P.T. M'Grath, "Newfoundland in 1911" , p. 46.

The Treaty of Ryswick in 1697 was signed before the French had been dislodged. Under its terms the invaders surrendered their conquests and retired to the territory in the south-west, of which they were in occupation when the war began. The anomaly of their claims, passed over in silence by the Treaty, was certain to be the source of mischief. In the language of Mr Pedley, "Over a territory of some 200 miles in extent, belonging to the British sovereignty, they had built up imperceptibly an almost undisputed dominion." Five years after the Peace of Ryswick war broke out again. An English squadron under Admiral Sir John Leake destroyed a number of French fishing-vessels between St. Pierre and Trepassey , and in the following year Admiral Graydon failed to reduce Placentia, owing to sickness, bad weather, as well as want of resolution. In January 1705 the French in retaliation surprised and captured St. John's. From this point they overran the English settlements, Carbonier once again weathering the storm, and abandoned themselves to depredation and devastation, as they had done in the conflict a few years before.

The fishing concession to France herein contained was wholly inexcusable. The latter country was in no position to refuse terms, and an absolute reservation of all fishing rights should have been insisted on in the interests of the colony. A culpable Ministry, short-sightedly regarding Newfoundland as little more than a fishing-station, chose rather to make a graceful concession, and we inherited the consequences in our Newfoundland Fisheries controversy with France, which lasted for nearly two centuries. However, the half century following the Treaty of Utrecht--an important turning-point in the history of the colony--marks a period of progress; and after another Anglo-French conflict, from which the English emerged victorious, we find in the ensuing half century the establishment of a definite policy of colonial permanence.

The abuses connected with the admirals' jurisdiction had been partially corrected by the authority, on appeal from them, of the King's commanders stationed off the island. Still, the evils were very real, and extorted recognition even from the gang of west country monopolists who strangled for so long the growth of the island. We find a recommendation offered by them to the Board of Trade with astounding assurance, that the 3000 odd men, women, and children, who by this time composed the population of Newfoundland, "should be encouraged to settle in Nova Scotia--as they might be of service there, where inhabitants were wanted."

In 1749 the great sailor Rodney, then a commander in the Navy, was appointed Governor. He distinguished himself by a humane consideration for the interests of the fishing servants. His answer to a petition from the merchants for permission to lower the contract rate of wages, in view of the badness of the season, has often been quoted, and is pleasant to read:

"Mr Drake and myself would be glad to ease the merchants in all that lay in our power, but we are by no means capable of acting as desired, to serve any people whatever. I have only one question to ask, namely: 'Had the season been good in proportion as it has proved bad, would the merchants or boat-keepers have raised the men's wages?'"

In 1750 came another advance. Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer were appointed for the island; that is to say, persons authorized to "hear and determine" on capital felonies committed in Newfoundland. This change ended the costly farce by which such persons were sent to England for trial. Seven years of development followed, to be broken by the long struggle between England and France, which the splendid genius of Pitt inspired and directed. He not only "conquered America in Europe" by the prodigal carelessness with which he poured subsidies into the treasury of Prussia, but he conceived and delivered in America itself a death-blow to French ambition. In 1758 Amherst and Wolfe, with a fleet of 150 vessels, were sent to attack Cape Breton, and after assaulting Louisbourg, the capital, received the submission of the island. In 1759 came General Wolfe's night assault on Quebec, and the unforgettable battle in which he lost his life. The only French success was gained at the expense of Newfoundland, for St. John's surrendered to an adventurous French expedition under Count d'Haussonville in June 1762. Admiral Lord Graves, the Governor, who was on his voyage from England, received the news in time to prevent him from landing. He vigorously concerted a plan of attack with Admiral Lord Colville, who was in command at Halifax, and after a lively investment the French garrison, numbering 700 or 800 strong surrendered on terms , but the French Navy managed to escape, thanks to a fog.

The Treaty of Paris in 1763 brought the war to an end. Its course had afforded one more opportunity of simplifying the condition of the fishing industry. The English Ministry, under the nerveless guidance of Lord Bute, omitted to seize it, and the Newfoundland clauses of the Treaty of Utrecht were confirmed, notwithstanding the fact that the English settlers had extended their occupation as far north as Twillingate, and French fishermen had not for three decades previously been further south than Fleur-de-Lys and White Bay. One clear, protesting voice was heard. "I contended several times in vain," said Pitt, "for the whole exclusive fishery, but I was overruled--I repeat, I was overruled, not by the foreign enemy, but by another enemy."

Between the capture of French America and the revolt of the older English colonies a few years of peace intervened. Cook, the great discoverer, who had served under Lord Graves in Newfoundland in 1762, spent the four years from 1763 to 1767 in an invaluable survey of the island, wherein he showed for the first time its correct shape, and glancing inland foretold for it a great mining future. The annexation of Labrador, affected by the proclamation of October 7th, 1763, added to the area and importance of the colony.

It would be unreasonable to look for religious enlightenment in the early history of Newfoundland. "Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt": there was little tolerance in the England of the eighteenth century, and even the New England settlers had shamed their faith by outrages on the Quakers. In Newfoundland religious feeling ran high, as it has so often done when Roman Catholics and Protestants live side by side. The Roman Catholic element in Newfoundland, though a minority, was considerable in numbers: for the sorrows of Ireland had brought many of her children from one sorely tried island to another. The Protestant majority, forgetting the tradition of Lord Baltimore, abused their supremacy. Heavy fines were inflicted on priests for holding services, and the scenes of their ministrations were burned to the ground. Mr Pedley quotes a letter, written by Governor Dorrell, to a bench of magistrates in 1762:

"Whereas I am informed that a Roman Catholic priest is at this time in Harbour Grace, and that he publicly read Mass, which is contrary to law, and against the peace of our Sovereign Lord the King; you are hereby required and directed, on the receipt of this, to cause the said priest to be taken into custody, and sent round to this place. In this you are not to fail."

Mr Pedley quotes a letter from Governor Bonfoy to certain justices, which grimly illustrates the prevalence of crime in the eighteenth century:

"Whereas I think, for the good of this island in general, that gallows should be erected in the several districts, in order to deter from their robberies a parcel of villains, who think that they can do what they please with impunity.... You are, therefore, hereby required and directed to cause gallows to be erected in the most public places in your several districts, and cause all such persons as are guilty of robbery, felony, or the like crimes, to be sent round to this place in order to take their trial at the annual assizes held here, as I am determined to proceed against all such with the utmost severity of the law. Given under my hand at St. John's, the 12th of October, 1754."

Newfoundland was naturally affected by the rebellion of the American colonies. Of these Montcalm, in 1758, had written with rare insight: "The several advices I daily receive assure me England will one day lose her colonies. As to the English colonies, one essential point should be known: it is, that they are never taxed. The Mother Country should have taxed them from the foundation; I have certain advice that all the colonies would take fire at being taxed now." The expulsion of the French from America had already lessened the dependence of the colonies upon the home country, when the House of Commons directed its corrupt and blighting attention to the English colonial system. The Stamp Act was passed in 1764, and repealed in 1766. In 1768 came Charles Townshend's mischievous duty on tea; and the American Congress met at Lexington in 1774. At this time the resident population of Newfoundland amounted to over 12,000 and it was soon realized that the colony would be gravely affected by the outbreak of war. Congress at once prohibited all trade with the English colonies. The seriousness of this blow was extreme, for Newfoundland was largely dependent upon the American trade for the necessaries of life. Want and tempest worked together for ill, and the year 1775 is one of the blackest in the history of the colony. The treaty with France in 1778 brought to the American colonists a success which their resources and, it must be added, their resolution could hardly have won alone, and once more exposed Newfoundland to European attacks. It was protected by the energy and resource of Governor Montague.

In 1775 came the very important Act known as Palliser's Act. This statute was based on the old selfish and restrictive view that Newfoundland should be a training ground for the Navy, and a place of trade, not a permanent settlement. Bounties were given to the fishing industry, and stringent measures were provided to ensure that masters trading to the island should return with undiminished crews. The privilege of drying fish was to be enjoyed only by such of the King's subjects as sailed to Newfoundland from Great Britain, or from one of the British dominions in Europe.

An interesting light upon the economic condition of the colony is thrown by the following figures:

Estimate of the sums necessary to pay the salaries of the Governor and Civil Officers in the Island of Newfoundland from April 1st, 1787, to April 1st, 1788:

? s. d. Salary of the Governor 500 0 0 The Governor's Secretary 182 10 0 The Judge of the Admiralty 200 0 0 The Naval Officer 100 0 0 The Agent 100 0 0 On Account, for Fees on Receipt and Audit 100 0 0

?1,182 10 0

It will be of interest to give here a few figures as to the growth of the English population in order to show that colonial developments were proceeding in the right direction. "Residents grew apace, as the increase of women and children from 612 in 1710 to 1,356 in 1738, and to 2,508 in 1754 attested. Heads of families accounted for a third more, so that in round numbers permanent residents were 800 in 1710, 1,800 in 1738, and 3,400 in 1754. The ship's crews of English ships, for whose sake the older theorists taught that the fisheries primarily existed, numbered 3,600 in 1738 and 4,500 in 1754, so that they outnumbered residents, in the strictest sense of the word residents. But if residents included all those who wintered on the island, they outnumbered ship's crews during this half-century. On the other hand, if passengers were added to ships' crews, the visitors outnumbered the settlers, except when there were war scares.... Between 1764 and 1774 residents for the first time continuously outnumbered visitors. During these years the winter residents, including male hangers-on as well as settlers, averaged 12,340; and visitors, including 'passengers' as well as ships' crews, averaged 11,876; or excluding male hangers-on from the one side and passengers from the other side, residents averaged 5,660 and visitors 5,435. Figures no longer yielded an uncertain sound. The Rubicon was only just crossed, but was indisputably and irrevocably crossed. Thenceforth the living-rooms were larger than the corridors, and political arithmetic pointed at the permanent occupants as the men of destiny. In 1764 the new tilt of the balance struck the law officers of the Crown, who wrote that it was 'disgraceful to suffer' the Act of 1699 'to remain in the Statute Book' as circumstances had so much changed. This disproportion increased; and the 12,000 inhabitants of 1764-74 swelled to 17,000 in 1792, 20,000 in 1804, and 52,000 in 1822, without any corresponding increase on the part of those who appeared every spring and faded away every autumn, like leaves or flowers."

FOOTNOTES:

Quoted in Egerton's "History of British Colonial Policy."

But see the end of the present chapter in regard to the character and fluctuations of the population.

For example, in 1745, 1746, 1757.

THE ENGLISH COLONIAL SYSTEM AND ITS RESULTS

The War of American Independence forms a convenient point at which to examine for a moment in passing the English colonial system, of which Newfoundland was in some sense a victim. It may then at once be stated that in the English view, as in the Spanish view, a "plantation" was expected, directly or indirectly, to contribute to the wealth of the Mother Country. If it contributed much, it was a good colony; if little, its consequence was less. Hence the English legislation throttling colonial manufacturers in the supposed interests of English merchants, and confining colonial trade to English channels. Hence the disregard, persistent and unashamed, of Adam Smith's immortal saying: "To prohibit a great people from making all that they can of every part of their own produce, or from employing their stock and industry in the way that they judge most advantageous to themselves, is a manifest violation of the most sacred rights of mankind." Long before Smith, the wisest of Englishmen had sounded a clear note of warning far in advance of his age. Bacon wrote in his essay on plantations: "Let there be freedom from custom, till the plantation be of strength: and not only freedom from custom, but freedom to carry their commodities where they make their best of them, except there be some special cause of caution."

Any stick has been thought good enough to beat those who lost America, but we must not suppress the little that may be urged on their behalf. Here again may be cited the dispassionate opinion of Adam Smith: "Though the policy of Great Britain with regard to the trade of her colonies has been dictated by the same mercantile spirit as that of other nations, it has, upon the whole, been less illiberal and oppressive than that of any of them." To the same effect Mr Lecky: "It is a gross ... misrepresentation to describe the commercial policy of England as exceptionally tyrannical." In fact, the expense of protecting Newfoundland and America against French attacks was serious and constant. That the colonies owed contribution to that defence is clear, for it would be involved in any other view that an American enjoyed a natural right to be protected against France at the charges of a Londoner. In the face of all this the colonies were conspicuously and notoriously unable to agree upon any principle of allocating grants. In this respect Newfoundland was no better than the American colonies. "We should be extremely concerned," wrote a merchant officially consulted on the point, "to see any species of taxes introduced into this island which would inevitably be burdensome and inconvenient to the trade and fishing in general, and we trust that in the wisdom of His Majesty's Ministers no such innovation will take place."

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