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Despite these concessions to the king's Hanoverian interests, nothing could overcome the personal dislike of his majesty to Pitt, and to his brother-in-law Lord Temple. The appointment of the Duke of Cumberland to command the British force on the Continent gave opportunity for the manifestation of this royal hostility. The duke refused to undertake his duties while such an anti-Hanoverian as Pitt remained as virtual head of the ministry. The king's love for his son, and hatred of his gifted servant, combined to prompt him to the decided step of dismissing the great minister from his councils. An interval of nearly three months elapsed in vain attempts to form a cabinet from which Pitt should be excluded. There was, however, another party interested in these arrangements, which neither prerogative nor parliamentary influence might long venture to oppose--the British nation. As with one voice, all ranks and classes spoke out their will that Pitt should hold the helm. His rivals saw that it was impossible to stem the stream, and wisely counseled the king to yield to the wishes of his people. In June the patriot minister was once again the ruler of England's destiny.

This illustrious man knew no party but the British nation, acknowledged no other interest. To exalt the power and prosperity of his country, and to humble France, was his sole aim and object. Personally disagreeable to the highest power in the state, and from many causes regarded with hostility by the several aristocratic confederacies, it needed the almost unanimous voice of his countrymen, and the unacknowledged confidence of those powerful men whose favor he neither possessed nor desired, to sweep away these formidable difficulties, and give to England in the hour of need the services of her greatest son.

For the remainder of the campaign of 1757, however, the energy and wisdom of Pitt were too late brought to the council, and the ill-conducted schemes of his predecessors bore, as has been shown, the bitter fruit of disaster and disgrace. But no sooner was he firmly established in office, and his plans put in execution, than the British cause began to revive in the Western hemisphere, and, although still checkered with defeat, glory and success rewarded his gigantic efforts. He at once determined to renew the expedition against Cape Breton, and, warned by previous failures, urged upon the king the necessity of removing both the naval and military officers who had hitherto conducted the operations. With that admirable perception which is one of the most useful faculties of superior minds, he readily discerned in others the qualities requisite for his purpose--his judgment ever unwarped and his keen vision unclouded by personal or political considerations. In Colonel Amherst he had discovered sound sense, steady courage, and an active genius; he therefore recalled him from the army in Germany, and, casting aside the hampering formalities of military rule, promoted him to the rank of major-general, and to the command of the troops destined for the attack of Louisburg. At the same time, from the British navy's brilliant roll, the minister selected the Hon. Edward Boscawen as admiral of the fleet, and gave him also, till the arrival of General Amherst, the unusual commission of command over the land forces. With vigorous zeal the equipments were hurried on, and on the 19th of February a magnificent armament sailed from Portsmouth for the harbor of Halifax on the Acadian peninsula. The general was delayed by contrary winds, and did not reach Halifax till the 28th of May, where he met Boscawen's fleet coming out of the harbor; the admiral, impatient of delay, having put all the force in motion, with the exception of a corps 1600 strong left to guard the post. No less than 22 ships of the line and 15 frigates, with 120 smaller vessels, sailed under his flag; and 14 battalions of infantry, with artillery and engineers, in all 11,600, almost exclusively British regulars, were embarked to form the army of General Amherst. The troops were told off in three brigades of nearly equal strength, under the brigadier-generals Whitmore, Lawrence, and JAMES WOLFE.

At dawn on the 2d of June the armament arrived off Cape Breton, where the greatest part of the fleet came to anchor in the open roadstead of Gabarus Bay. Amherst entertained a strong hope to surprise the garrison of Louisburg, and with that view issued an order to forbid the slightest noise, or the exhibition of any light, on board the transports near the shore; he especially warned the troops to preserve a profound silence as they landed. But the elements rendered these judicious orders of no avail. In the morning a dense fog shrouded the rocky shore, and as the advancing day cleared away the curtains of the mist, a prodigious swell rolled in from the Atlantic, and broke in impassable surf upon the beach. Nevertheless, in the evening the general, with Lawrence and Wolfe, approached close to the dangerous shore, and reconnoitered the difficulties which nature and the enemy might oppose to their landing. They found that the French had formed a chain of posts for some distance across the country, and that they had also thrown up works and batteries at the points where a successful debarkation seemed most probable. The next morning the sea had not abated, and for six successive days the heavy roll of the ocean broke with undiminished violence upon the rugged shore. During this interval the enemy toiled day and night to strengthen their position, and lost no opportunity of opening fire with guns and mortars upon the ships.

On the 8th the sea subsided into calm, and the fog vanished from the shore. Before daybreak the troops were assembled in boats, formed in three divisions; at dawn Commodore Durell examined the coast, and declared that the landing was now practicable. When his report was received, seven of the smaller vessels at once opened fire, and in about a quarter of an hour the boats of the left division began to row in toward the shore: in them were embarked twelve companies of Grenadiers, 550 Light Infantry men, with the Highlanders and a body of Provincial Rangers: Brigadier-general Wolfe was their chief. The right and center brigades, under Whitmore and Lawrence, moved at the same time toward other parts of the shore, and three sloops were sent past the mouth of the harbor to distract the attention of the enemy.

The left division was the first to reach the beach, at a point a little eastward of Fresh-water Cove, and four miles from the town. The French stood firm, and held their fire till the assailants were close in shore; then, as the boats rose on the dangerous surf, they poured in a rattling volley from every gun and musket that could be brought to bear. Many of the British troops were struck down, but not a shot was returned. Wolfe's flag-staff was shivered by a bar-shot, and many boats badly damaged; still, with ardent valor, the sailors forced their way through the surging waves, and in a very few minutes the whole division was ashore, and the enemy flying in disorder from all his intrenchments. The victors pressed on rapidly in pursuit, and, despite the rugged and difficult country, inflicted a heavy loss on the fugitives, and took seventy prisoners. At length the cannon of the ramparts of Louisburg checked their further advance. In the mean time the remaining British divisions had landed, but not without losing nearly 100 boats and many men from the increasing violence of the sea.

During the two following days the fury of the waves forbade all attempts to land the artillery and the necessary stores for the attack of the hostile stronghold; on the 11th, however, the weather began to clear, and some progress was made in the preparations. Hitherto the troops had suffered much from want of provisions and tents; now their situation was somewhat improved.

Louisburg is a noble harbor: within is ample shelter for the largest fleets England or France have ever sent from their shores. A rugged promontory, on which stood the town and somewhat dilapidated fortifications, protects it from the southwest wind; another far larger arm of the land is its shelter to the southeast. About midway across the entrance of this land-locked bay stands Goat Island, which at that time was defended by some works, with a formidable array of guns; a range of impassable rocks extends thence to the town. From an elevation to the northwest of the harbor, the grand battery showed a threatening front to those who might seek to force the entrance of the Sound. For the defense of this important position, M. de Drucour, the French chief, had at his disposal six line-of-battle ships; five frigates, three of which he sank, to impede the entrance of the harbor; 3000 regular troops and burgher militia, with 350 Canadians and Indians.

On the 12th the French withdrew all their outposts, and even destroyed the grand battery that commanded the entrance of the harbor, concentrating their whole power upon the defense of the town. Wolfe's active light troops soon gave intelligence of these movements, and the following day the brigadier pushed on his advance round the northern and eastern shores of the bay, till they gained the high lands opposite Goat Island with little opposition; there, as soon as the perversity of the weather would permit, he mounted some heavy artillery, but it was not till the 20th that he was enabled to open fire upon the ships and the land defenses. On the 25th the formidable French guns on Goat Island were silenced. Wolfe then left a detachment in his battery, and hastened round with his main force to a position close to the town, where he erected works, and from them assailed the ramparts and the shipping.

For many days the slow and monotonous operations of the siege continued, under great difficulties to the assailants, the marshy nature of the ground rendering the movement of artillery very tedious. The rain poured down in torrents, swamping the labors of the engineers; the surf still foamed furiously upon the shore, embarrassing the landing of the necessary material and impeding the communication with the fleet. On the night of the 9th of July, the progress of the besiegers was somewhat interrupted by a fierce and sudden sally; five companies of light troops, supported by 600 men, burst upon a small English work during the silence of the night, surprising and overwhelming the defenders. The young Earl of Dundonald, commanding the grenadiers of the 17th, who held the post, paid for this want of vigilance with his life; his lieutenant was wounded and taken, and his men struck down, captured, or dispersed. Major Murray, however, with the Grenadiers of the 22d and 28th, arrived ere long, and restored the fight. After a time the French again betook themselves to the shelter of their walls, having left twenty of their men dead upon the scene of strife, and eighty more wounded or prisoners in the hands of the besiegers.

Meanwhile the British generals pushed on the siege with unwearied zeal, and, at the same time, with prudent caution, secured their own camp by redoubts. Day and night the batteries poured their ruinous shower upon the ramparts, the citadel, and shipping. On the 21st, three large vessels of war took fire in the harbor from a live shell, and the English gunners dealt death to those who sought to extinguish the flames. The next day the citadel was in a blaze; the next, the barracks were burned to the ground, and Wolfe's trenches were pushed up to the very defenses of the town. The French could no longer stand to their guns. On the night of the 25th, two young captains, La Forey and Balfour, with the boats of the fleet, rowed into the harbor under a furious fire, boarded the two remaining vessels of war, and thus destroyed the last serious obstacle to British triumph. The following morning, M. de Drucour surrendered at discretion.

In those days, the taking of Louisburg was a mighty triumph for the British arms: a place of considerable strength, defended with skill and courage, fully manned, and aided by a powerful fleet, had been bravely won; 5600 men, soldiers, sailors, and marines were prisoners; eleven ships of war taken or destroyed; 240 pieces of ordnance, 15,000 stand of arms, and a great amount of ammunition, provisions, and military stores, had fallen into the hands of the victors, and eleven stand of colors were laid at the feet of the British sovereign: they were afterward solemnly deposited in St. Paul's Cathedral.

But while the wisdom and zeal of Amherst, and the daring skill of Wolfe, excite the gratitude and admiration of their countrymen, it must not be forgotten that causes beyond the power and patriotism of man mainly influenced this great event. The brave admiral doubted the practicability of the first landing. Amherst hesitated, and the chivalrous Wolfe himself, as he neared the awful surf, staggered in his resolution, and, purposing to defer the enterprise, waved his hat for the boats to retire. Three young subaltern officers, however, commanding the leading craft, pushed on ashore, having mistaken the signal for what their stout hearts desired--the order to advance; some of their men, as they sprung upon the beach, were dragged back by the receding surge and drowned, but the remainder climbed up the rugged rocks, and formed upon the summit. The brigadier then cheered on the rest of the division to the support of this gallant few, and thus the almost desperate landing was accomplished.

On the 7th of August detachments were sent, under Major Dalling and Lord Rollo, to take possession of the other settlements in Cape Breton, and of the Isle de St. Jean, now Prince Edward's Island. This latter territory had long been an object of great importance to Canada; the fertility of the soil, the comparative mildness of the climate, and the situation commanding the navigation of the Great River, rendered it invaluable to the settlers of New France.

On the 15th the French prisoners were dispatched to Europe in transports. On the 28th, Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, with seven ships of the line and three frigates, conveying a force of some Artillery, and three battalions of Infantry, was sent round to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The object of this expedition was to destroy the French settlements at Miramichi, the Baye de Chaleurs, Gasp?, and as far up the banks of the Great River as the season might permit; then to disperse or carry away the inhabitants: by this it was hoped that the troublesome marauders on the English frontier might be chastised and kept in check, and that a portion of the enemy's strength might be diverted from Abercromby's front. The execution of this painful duty was committed to Brigadier-general Wolfe.

These stern orders were punctually obeyed, but as much humanity as was possible tempered the work of destruction. All the Acadian villages on the northeastern coast were laid in ruins: some hundreds of the inhabitants were borne away to captivity, and the rest driven from their blackened hearths and desolated farms to the grim refuge of the wilderness. Among the settlements devastated by this expedition was the flourishing fishing station of Mont Louis. The intendant in charge of the place offered a ransom of 150,000 livres to save the stores and provisions his people's industry had created, but the relentless law of retribution took its course, and the hoarded magazines of corn, fish, and other supplies for their own use and for the market of Quebec, were totally destroyed. Colonel Monckton, with three other battalions, was sent on a similar errand to the Bay of Fundy and to the River St. John, and in like manner fulfilled his task.

It may, perhaps, be partial or unjust to single out one tale of woe from among the crowded records of this war's gigantic misery to hold up in the strong light of contrast with the glory of the recent victory. But we may not hear, without a blush of shame and sorrow, how the simple Acadian peasantry were made to pay the penalties of banishment and ruin for the love of France and for loyalty to their king, at a time when Pitt was the minister, Amherst the general, and Wolfe the lieutenant.

Having executed his orders, Wolfe repaired to Halifax and assumed the command of the troops in garrison. Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst came to a conclusion that for that season nothing more could be effected by them against the power of France. They therefore agreed, although their instructions did not extend to any part of the continent beyond Nova Scotia, that it would be advisable to detach a portion of the army to strengthen Abercromby, and assist him to repair his disaster, of which they were informed. Accordingly, Amherst sailed for Boston on the 30th of August with five battalions, arrived on the 13th of September, and the next day landed his troops. Despite the interested remonstrances of the local authorities, he soon pushed on through the difficult district of the Green Woods, by Kinderhook Mills, and through Albany to Lake George. Having there held counsel with the unfortunate Abercromby, and delivered over his seasonable re-enforcement, he returned to Boston, and finally to Halifax, where he had been instructed to await orders from the English government.

The same express that bore the tidings of Lord Loudon's recall, conveyed a circular letter from Mr. Pitt to the colonial governors, declaring the determination of the British cabinet to repair, at any cost, the losses and disasters of the last campaign. To encourage the vigorous co-operation of the colonists, they were informed that his majesty would recommend Parliament to grant the several provinces such compensation for the expenses which they might incur as their efforts should appear to justly merit, and that arms, ammunition, tents, provisions, and boats would be furnished by the crown. At the same time, the colonial governors were required to raise as numerous levies of Provincial militia as their districts would supply, to pay and clothe them, and appoint their officers. Inspired by the energy of the great minister, and excited to a generous emulation with the awakened spirit of the parent state, the American colonies came nobly forward in the common cause, and used their utmost efforts to strengthen, by their co-operation, the promised armament from England. Massachusetts raised 7000 men, Connecticut 5000, and the thinly-peopled State of New Hampshire 900; the numbers of the Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey levies have not been specified. These troops were ordered to take the field early in May, but the muster proceeded slowly and irregularly, insomuch that no movements were made toward the scenes of action until the middle of June, 1757.

The largest European army ever yet seen on the American continent was assembled at Albany and in the neighborhood, under the command of Abercromby, the general-in-chief since Lord Loudon's recall. A detachment of the Royal Artillery, and seven strong battalions of the line, amounting altogether to 6350 regulars, with 9000 of the Provincial militia, composed this formidable force. Their object was the destruction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Toward the end of June they broke up from Albany, and encamped upon the ground where the melancholy ruins of Fort William Henry still remained. On the 5th of July, the cannon, ammunition, and stores arrived, and on that day the army embarked on the waters of Lake George: 1035 boats conveyed this powerful expedition, and a number of rafts, armed with artillery, accompanied them, to overcome any opposition that might be offered to the landing.

The armament continued its progress steadily through the day. When evening fell, Abercromby gave the signal to lie to at a place called Sabbath Point, on the shores of the lake: there the troops landed for a time, and lighted large fires to distract the attention of the enemy. In the dead of night they were suddenly re-embarked, and hurried on to the Narrows, where the waters contract into the stream that communicates with Wood Creek: there they arrived at five o'clock the following morning. An advanced guard of 2000 men was thrown ashore at first dawn under the gallant Bradstreet, and these having encountered no enemy, the remainder of the army was rapidly landed. As the troops disembarked they were formed into four columns, some Light Infantry were sent on to scour the line of march, and the advance was sounded. They soon reached a small encampment which had been occupied by a detachment of the regiment of Guienne, but found it abandoned, the ammunition and provisions destroyed, the camp itself in flames.

Ticonderoga, the first object of the British attack, was a fort of some strength, situated on the most salient point of the peninsula between Lakes George and Champlain. To the eastward the rugged shore afforded sufficient protection; to the west and north regular lines of defense had been erected by the French engineers, and an extensive swamp, spreading over nearly all the landward face, embarrassed the approaches of an enemy. The neighboring country was a dense and tangled forest.

Early in the summer of this year, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, had received intelligence of Abercromby's extensive preparations to gain the positions of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and with them the command of the important chain of waters leading to the River St. Lawrence and the heart of the French possessions. The governor saw the necessity of defeating this enterprise at any cost. He called to his aid Montcalm, already famous by deserved success, and placed at his disposal all the troops that could be spared from every part of the colony: on the 20th of June they reached the position, they were directed to defend.

On the first of July Montcalm sent an advance of three regiments, under M. de Bourlemaque, along the northwestern shores of Lake George; he himself followed with three regiments, and the second battalion of Berry to a place called the Falls, at the head of the lake, where he encamped. The following day, two active and intelligent officers, Captains de Bernard and Dupr?t, with some light troops, were pushed on over the mountains toward the lower end of the lake where Abercromby's army lay. When the boats of the English force covered the waters on the morning of the 5th of July, these French detachments signalized to their general that the time for action was come. M. de Bourlemaque immediately dispatched 300 men, under the command of Captain de Tr?p?z?, to watch the hostile armament from the shore, and, if possible, to oppose its landing. The next day, however, when the British disembarked, they were in such force as to render opposition hopeless; this corps of observation therefore fell back upon M. de Bourlemaque, and he too retired toward the main body, under the command of Montcalm.

So difficult and tangled were the woods on their retreat, that, in spite of their knowledge of the country, one French column of 500 men lost their way, fell into confusion, and in their bewilderment almost retraced their steps. The English pressed rapidly on in pursuit, and, from the ignorance of the guides, their divisions also became confounded, and mixed up together in alarming disorder. The officers vigorously exerted themselves to restore the broken ranks, but, in the midst of their efforts, the right center column, led by the good and gallant Lord Howe, was suddenly fronted by the body of the enemy who had gone astray in the forest. They joined in bitter strife: almost hand to hand, in the swamps, or from tree to tree on the hill side, the stout Frenchmen held their own against the British troops, and, nothing daunted by the unexpected danger, disdained to yield. At the first shock many of Howe's Light Infantry went down; he himself, hurrying to the front, was struck by a musket ball in the breast, and instantly expired. His men, infuriated by the loss of their beloved leader, swarmed on through the thick woods, and finally overpowered or destroyed the enemy; not, however, till four fifths of the French were wounded, slain, or taken, and some of the conquerors killed and disabled, did they yield their ground.

That night the victors occupied the field of battle; to this their advantage was confined, for the disorganization of the troops had frightfully increased during the unpropitious march, in the hard-fought skirmish, and by the loss of their best and most trusted chief. The vigor and spirit of Abercromby's army seemed to pass away with Lord Howe. This gallant man, from the time he had landed in America, had wisely instructed his regiment for the peculiar service of that difficult country: no useless incumbrance of baggage was allowed; he himself set the example, and encountered privation and fatigue in the same chivalrous spirit with which he faced the foe. Graceful and kind in his manners, and considerate to the humblest under his charge, his officers and soldiers heartily obeyed the chief because they loved the man. At the fatal moment when he was lost to England, her glory and welfare most needed his aid. He lived long enough for his own honor, but not for that of his country.

The price of this slight advantage was ruinous to the English army. From the unhappy moment when Lord Howe was slain, the general lost all resolution, and, as a natural consequence, the troops lost all confidence. Order and discipline were no longer observed, and the after-operations can only be attributed to infatuation. At dawn on the day subsequent to the combat, Abercromby actually marched his forces back to the place where they had disembarked the day before, through the dreary and almost impassable wilderness, traversed with the utmost difficulty but a few hours before. However, on the return of the army to the landing place, a detachment was sent to gain an important post held by the French at some saw-mills, two miles from Ticonderoga. Colonel Bradstreet was selected for this duty; with him were sent the 44th regiment, six companies of the 60th, some Rangers, and a number of boatmen; among them were those who had forced the passage of the Onondaga River: altogether nearly 7000 men.

The point to be assailed was approachable only by one narrow bridge; this the French destroyed, and, not caring to encounter a very superior force, fell back toward their stronghold. Bradstreet was not to be deterred by difficulties. Accustomed to the necessity of finding resources, the stream was soon spanned by a temporary arch. With unwearied zeal he urged on the exertions of his men, and that very night, not only his own command, but the whole British army, was once more advanced across the stream, and established in an advantageous position near Ticonderoga.

At earliest light, Colonel Clark, chief engineer, and several officers of rank, reconnoitered the enemy's position to the best of their power. They could discover but little: a dense forest and a deep morass lay between them and Ticonderoga. They observed, indeed, a breast-work, with some felled trees in front, rising out of the only accessible part of the dreary swamp, but as to its nature, strength, and disposition for defense, their military skill and experience could afford them no light. Their report included a variety of opinions: some treated the defenses as slight and inconsiderable, and presenting only a deceptive show of strength; others, and they far better qualified to judge, acknowledged their formidable strength. Abercromby unfortunately adopted the former opinion, and rashly resolved to attack without waiting the essential aid of his artillery: his penalty was severe.

Prisoners informed the English chief that his enemies had assembled eight battalions, with some Canadians and Indians, and that they mustered altogether a force of 6000 men. They were encamped at a place called Carillon, in front of the fort, and busily occupied in strengthening their position, that they might make good their defense till the arrival of M. de Levi, who hastened to their aid, with 3000 men, from the banks of the Mohawk River, where he had been making an incursion against the British Indian allies. General Abercromby was determined by this information, which, however, subsequently proved much exaggerated. M. de Levi's force had in fact already arrived, and was only 800 strong, and the French regular troops in the position barely reached 3000 men, although battalions of the splendid, but then much reduced regiments of La Reine, La Sarre, Bearn, Guienne, Berry, Languedoc, and Royal Roussillon were present in their camp.

On the morning of the 8th of July the French garrison was called to arms, and marched into the threatened intrenchments. The regiments of Bearn, La Reine, and Guienne, under M. de Levi, occupied the right of the defenses; those of La Sarre, Languedoc, and two strong detachments under M. de Bourlemaque, the left. In the center Montcalm held under his own command the regiments of Berry, Royal Roussillon, and the light troops. The colonial militia and Canadian irregulars, with the Indians, were posted behind some field-works in the plain on the flanks of the main defense, supported by a small reserve. The French intrenchment presented in front, as was too late discovered, an almost impassable barrier: a solid earthen breast-work of eight feet in height protected the defenders from the hostile shot, and the gradual slope from its summit was covered for nearly 100 yards with abattis of felled trees laid close together, the branches sharpened and turned toward the foe. However, on either flank this grim position was open; no obstacle presented itself that could have stopped the stride of an English grenadier. Of this the hapless Abercromby was ignorant or unobservant. The French chief knew it well, and gave orders that, in case of the assailants appearing on either of these weak points, his troops should abandon the field and retreat to their boats as they best might.

With the rashness that bears no relation to courage, the British general determined to throw the flower of his force upon the very center of the enemy's strength. While the army was forming for the ill-starred attack, Sir William Johnson arrived with 440 Indians, who were at once pushed forward into the woods to feel the way and occupy the enemy. The American Rangers formed the left of Abercromby's advance, Bradstreet's boatmen were in the center, and on the right some companies of Light Infantry. Behind these, a line of the Massachusetts militia extended its ranks on either side toward Lake Champlain and Lake George. Next were ranged the British battalions of the line, with the 42d, Murray's Highlanders, and the 55th, the corps trained by Lord Howe, in reserve: on them fell the brunt of this desolating day. A numerous mass of the Connecticut and New Jersey Provincial regiments formed the rear guard. Strict orders were issued that no man should fire a shot till he had surmounted the breast-work; then the arrangements were complete. During these formations and through the forenoon, some French detachments came forward and skirmished with the advance, but they were always overpowered with ease, and driven hurriedly back to shelter.

At one o'clock, when the mid-day sun poured down its burning rays upon the scene of strife, Abercromby gave the fatal order to attack. As his advance felt the fire, the light troops and the militia were moved aside, and the regular battalions called to the front. The Grenadier companies of the line led the way, Murray's Highlanders followed close behind. With quick but steady step, these intrepid men pressed on through the heavy swamp and tangled underwood, their ranks now broken by the uneven ground, now shattered by the deliberate fire of the French: impeded, though not confused, they passed the open ground, and, without one faltering pause or random shot, the thinned but unshaken column dashed against the abattis.

Then began a cruel and hopeless slaughter. With fiery valor the British Grenadiers forced themselves through the almost impenetrable fence; but still new obstacles appeared; and while, writhing among the pointed branches, they threatened the inaccessible enemy in impotent fury, the cool fire of the French from behind the breast-work smote them one by one. The Highlanders, who should have remained in reserve, were not to be restrained, and rushed to the front; they were apparently somewhat more successful; active, impetuous, lightly clad and armed, they won their way through the felled trees, and died upon the very parapet; ere long, half of these gallant men and nearly all their officers were slain or desperately wounded. Then fresh troops pressed on to the deadly strife, rivaling the courage and sharing the fate of those who had led the way. For nearly four hours, like the succeeding waves of an ebb tide, they attacked again and again, each time losing somewhat of their vantage-ground, now fiercely rushing on, unflinchingly enduring the murderous fire, then sullenly falling back to re-form their broken ranks for a fresh effort. It was vain at last as it was at first: the physical difficulties were impassable, and upon that rude barrier--which the simplest maneuver would have avoided, or one hour of well-plied artillery swept away--the flower of British chivalry was crushed and broken. The troops that strove with this noble constancy were surely worthy of a better fate than that of sacrificing their lives and honor to the blind presumption of such a general.

An accident at length arrested this melancholy carnage. One of the British columns, in a hurried advance, lost their way, and became bewildered in the neighboring forest. When, after a time, they emerged upon the open country, a heavy fire was perceived close in front, as they thought, from the French intrenchments. With unhappy promptitude, they poured a deadly volley upon the supposed enemy; but when a breeze from the lake lifted the curtain of the smoke from the bloody scene, they saw that their shot had fallen with fatal precision among the red coats of their countrymen. Then indeed hesitation, confusion, and panic arose in the English ranks; their desperate courage had proved vain; a frightful loss had fallen upon their best and bravest; most of their officers were struck down; the bewildered general gave them no orders, sent them no aid; their strength was exhausted by repeated efforts under the fiery sun; and still, from behind the inaccessible breast-work, the French, steady and almost unharmed, poured a rolling fire upon their defenseless masses. The painful tale must now be told: the English Infantry turned and fled. The disorder in a few minutes became irretrievable; those who had been foremost in the fierce assault were soon the first in the disgraceful flight. Highlanders and Provincials, Rangers and Grenadiers, scarce looked behind them in their terror, nor saw that no man pursued. In this hour of greatest need, General Abercromby remained at the saw-mills, nearly two miles from the field of battle.

The loss remains to be recorded: 1950 of the English army was slain, wounded, and missing; of these, 1642 were regular troops, with a large proportion of officers. The French had nearly 390 killed and disabled; but, as their heads only were exposed above the breast-work, few of those who were hit recovered. It is unnecessary to speak of their admirable conduct and courage, or of the merit of their chief: their highest praise is recorded with the deeds of those they conquered.

The sad story of Ticonderoga is now seldom told and almost forgotten; the disasters or triumphs of that year's campaign have left upon its scene no traces more permanent than those of the cloud and sunshine of an April day. In the eventual century since passed, our country has emerged from the direst strife that ever shook the world, triumphant by land and sea, great in power and in wisdom, proudest among the nations of the earth, still humblest in reverence of Heaven. The memory of this remote disaster can not now, even for a moment, dim the light of "England's matchless glory." But such records give a lesson that may not be forgotten. Men bearing the same name have each at different periods played important parts in British military history; though both have long since passed away, their examples are still before us. The British soldier, in time of danger, will not hesitate to elect between the fate of Abercromby who survived the shameful rout of Ticonderoga, and that of the stout Sir Ralph who fell upon the Egyptian plains.

When Abercromby was fully secured in his old position, and discipline in a measure re-established in the army, he hearkened to the earnest solicitations of the indefatigable Bradstreet, that a force might be sent to revenge on Fort Frontenac the ruin of Oswego, and thus to gain the command of Lake Ontario. The carrying out of this plan was worthily committed to him who had designed it, and a detachment of Artillery, and two companies of regulars, with 2800 Provincial militia and boatmen, were allotted for the task. The pusillanimous destruction of the navigation of Wood Creek by General Webb in 1756 proved a most vexatious and harassing difficulty in this expedition. But the resolution and energy of Bradstreet overcame every obstacle; with immense labor and hardship, his men removed the logs from the river, and at length rendered it navigable. On the 13th of August the artillery and stores were embarked, and the same day the army moved by land to the Oneida Lake; thence, by the stream of the Onondaga, past the scene of their leader's brilliant victory, to the waters of Lake Ontario, where they again embarked.

On the 25th, Bradstreet landed without opposition within a mile of Fort Frontenac; he found this famed position weakly fortified and worse garrisoned, through the unaccountable negligence of the Marquis de Vaudreuil. After the victory at Ticonderoga, the French governor had dispatched the Chevalier de Longueuil, with immense presents, to meet the chiefs of the Iroquois at Oswego, with a view of gaining their important alliance, and of inducing them to abandon all relations with the English, by representing their cause as ruined through Abercromby's defeat. He in some measure succeeded in his mission; the Indian deputies assured him of their attachment, but said that, as all their brethren had not been consulted, they must communicate with them before giving a decisive answer. When the conference ended, the chevalier returned to Montreal by Fort Frontenac, where he stopped for a day, and informed M. de Noyan, the commandant, of the danger that threatened his position from Bradstreet's advance. Every thing was speedily done to strengthen the fort which the limited means at hand permitted; but De Noyan, well aware that without aid resistance would be vain, urged upon De Longueuil to send him re-enforcements as soon as he could reach the governor. This the chevalier neglected, and Fort Frontenac and its worthy commandant were left to their fate. When too late indeed, the Marquis de Vaudreuil dispatched M. de Plessis Fabiot, with 1500 Canadian militia, toward Lake Ontario, but by the time they reached La Chine intelligence arrived that caused the greater part of the force to return to whence they came.

Bradstreet at first threw up his works at 500 yards from the fort. Finding that the distance was too great, and the fire of the enemy little to be feared, he pushed closer on, and gained possession of an old intrenchment near the defenses, whence he opened fire with vigor and effect. A little after seven o'clock on the morning of the 27th, the French surrendered, being without hope of succor, and of themselves alone utterly incapable of a successful defense. The garrison, consisting of only 120 regular soldiers and forty Indians, became prisoners of war; and sixty pieces of cannon, sixteen mortars, an immense supply of provisions, stores, and ammunition, with all the shipping on the lake, fell into the hands of the victors. Among the prizes were several vessels richly laden with furs, to the value, it is said, of 70,000 louis d'ors. The attacking army had not to lament the loss of a single soldier.

The fort thus easily won was a quadrangle, each face about 100 yards in length; thirty pieces of cannon were mounted upon the walls, and the rest of the artillery was in reserve, but the garrison was altogether insufficient for the defense of the works. The very large amount of stores, ammunition, and provision which were thus left exposed were of vital importance to the supply of the distant Western forts, and the detachments on the Ohio, at Fort du Quesne and elsewhere. In obedience to an unaccountable order of General Abercromby, Bradstreet had no choice but to burn and destroy the artillery, provisions, and stores of every kind, and even the shipping, except two vessels which were retained to convey the valuable peltries to the southern shores of the lake. The fort was also ruined and abandoned; however, M. du Plessis Fabiot sent on a detachment from La Chine, with M. de Pont le Roy, the engineer, who speedily restored it. At the same time, another body of troops was sent to strengthen the distant post of Niagara. In the mean while, Bradstreet re-embarked his force and returned to the British colonies by the same route as he had advanced.

At this time Fort Frontenac was the general rendezvous of all the Northern and Western Indian nations, the center of trade not only with the French, but also among themselves. Thither they repaired from all directions, even from the distance of 1000 miles, bearing with them their rich peltries, with immense labor, to exchange for European goods. The French traders had learned the art of conciliating these children of the forest, and among them attachment and esteem overcame even the force of interest. It was notorious that the British merchants at Albany could supply far better and cheaper articles, and actually forwarded large stores of all kinds to furnish the warehouses of their Canadian rivals; yet the savages annually passed by this favorable market, and bore the spoils of the chase to the French settlement on the distant shores of Lake Ontario.

These annual meetings of the Red Men, however, had another object besides that of commerce; the events of the preceding year were related and canvassed, and council held upon the conduct of the future. Here feuds were reconciled by the good offices of neutral tribes, old alliances were strengthened, and new ones arranged. In these assemblies, the actual presence of the French gave them an important influence over the deliberations, and colored, to a considerable extent, the policy of the Indian nations. On every account, therefore, the destruction of Fort Frontenac was a great gain to the British cause.

It now remained for the Marquis de Vaudreuil to announce the loss of Fort Frontenac to the court of France, and to endeavor to make it appear that he was free from blame in the unfortunate transaction. He determined at all hazards to conceal the fact that his neglecting to forward the required re-enforcements was the direct cause of the disaster. The only mode of escape which suggested itself to his mean mind was to throw the blame upon another; the unhappy commandant, De Noyan, was selected as the victim of his falsehood. To prevent that officer from forwarding to France his own statement of the case, the treacherous governor himself undertook to represent the affair in a light that could not fail to clear De Noyan of all responsibility. The snare was successful; the brave commandant, guileless himself, doubted not the honor of his chief, and blindly trusted him. De Vaudreuil, unmindful alike of truth and justice, threw the whole weight of blame upon his subordinate, and ascribed without scruple the loss of the fort to the pusillanimity of the defenders. De Noyan, when too late, found that he had been cruelly deceived; he appealed in vain, again and again, to the court for redress, and at length retired from the service in which he had met only with treachery and injustice.

While Abercromby's intrenchments afforded him complete security, the presence of his great but now useless army gave no protection to the English frontier. The ever active and vigilant Montcalm lost no opportunity of harassing outposts, assailing remote settlements, and intercepting convoys. On the 17th of July, a party of twenty Provincials, with three officers, was destroyed by the French light troops in the neighborhood of Half-way Brook, and ten days afterward, near the same place, 116 wagoners, with their escort of sixteen Rangers, were surprised and horribly massacred, in spite of the late severe warning. At length the general was aroused to exertion: he selected Major Rogers, already famous in partisan warfare, and, with a force of 700 men, sent him to seek the marauders; they, however, effected their escape unharmed. When the British were returning from this vain pursuit, a dispatch arrived from head-quarters, directing them to scour the country to the south and east of Lake Champlain, and retire by the route of Fort Edward.

According to these orders, Rogers pursued his difficult march, without, however, much success in distressing the enemy, as, from the superior information furnished to the French by the Indians, they always managed to avoid the unequal combat. On the 8th of August, however, they assembled a force of about 500 men, and, choosing a favorable situation, in some measure surprised the British detachment, despite the unsleeping caution of its able chief. Rogers's strength had been by this time, through hardship, desertion, and other causes, reduced almost to a level with that of his present opponents, and it was not without extreme difficulty that he succeeded in holding his ground. In the first onset a major and two lieutenants fell into the hands of the enemy, and several of his advance guard were slain. However, under his brave and skillful conduct, the British soon, in turn, won the advantage, and, after a sharp and sanguinary combat of an hour's duration, the assailants abandoned the field, leaving no less than 190 of their men killed and wounded. Although the victors lost only forty of their number, fatigue, and the cautions observed by the enemy during the retreat forbade pursuit. Rogers therefore continued his march homeward, and arrived at head-quarters without any thing further worthy of record having occurred.

Brigadier-general Stanwix had been detached, with a considerable force of Provincial troops, to erect a fort in a favorable position on the important carrying place between Wood Creek, at the Oneida Lake, and the Mohawk River, with a view to encourage and protect the friendly Indians in those districts from the enmity of the French and their allies. He performed this valuable but unostentatious service with ability and success; the works which he there established and garrisoned still bear his name.

We must now return to the third expedition of the campaign against Fort du Quesne, led by General Forbes. Although this chief had put his army in motion before Abercromby marched upon the Northern Lakes, he had not been able to get his last division out of Philadelphia till the 30th of June: 350 of the 60th, or Royal American regiment, 1200 of the 77th, Montgomery's Highlanders, and upward of 5000 Provincials, composed his force.

The march over the Alleganies was long and difficult; the defiles, forests, swamps, and mountains were in themselves formidable obstacles, had there even been no hostile force in front. But the judicious arrangements of the general overcame alike the impediments and the perils of the advance, and some dangerous attacks of the Indians were repelled with vigorous alacrity. When the army reached Raystown, a place about 90 miles from Fort du Quesne, Forbes halted his main body, and detached Lieutenant-colonel Bouquet, with 2000 men, to take post in advance of Loyal Hanning, while he constructed a new road, being determined not to avail himself of the route used by Braddock.

Bouquet was unfortunately fired with ambition to reduce the hostile stronghold before the arrival of his chief, and accordingly he detached Major Grant and 800 Highlanders to reconnoiter the works of Fort du Quesne. The major, probably with a similar ambition to that of his chief, endeavored to induce the French to give battle, and drew up his men on a neighboring height, beating a march as a challenge. The combat was accepted; the garrison sallied out, and, after a very severe action, routed the Highlanders with loss, and took 300 prisoners, including the commander. The broken remnant of Grant's force fell back in great disorder upon their comrades at Loyal Hanning.

Cautioned, but not dispirited, by this untoward occurrence, Forbes advanced with his whole army as rapidly as the rugged country and unfavorable weather would permit, although so debilitated from illness that he was obliged to be borne on a litter. Several parties of French and Indians endeavored to impede his march, but were always repulsed; once, however, in a night attack, some loss and confusion were occasioned by the Highlanders and the Virginian Provincials firing upon each other through mistake. The French were not sufficiently elated by their victory over Grant to venture any serious opposition to Forbes's advance, and the loss of Fort Frontenac, from whence they had been expecting a supply of provisions and warlike stores, rendered successful resistance hopeless: M. de Ligni?res, their leader, therefore dismantled and abandoned the celebrated fort, and dropped down the stream of the Ohio to the friendly settlements on the Mississippi. The following day, the 25th of November, the British took possession of the deserted stronghold, and at once proceeded to put it in repair. Under the new owners, Pittsburg was substituted for the former name of disastrous memory--Fort du Quesne.

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