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CRUISE AND CAPTURES OF THE ALABAMA

BY ALBERT M. GOODRICH

MINNEAPOLIS THE H. W. WILSON CO. 1906

LUMBER EXCHANGE PRINTING CO.

PREFACE

The publication of the naval records of the Rebellion, both Union and Confederate, makes it possible to take a comprehensive view of the career of the famous cruiser. In addition to these, Captain Semmes kept a diary, which after the close of the war he expanded into a very full memoir. Various officers of the vessel also kept diaries, and wrote accounts of their adventures, The long report of the Geneva Tribunal of Arbitration, and various consular reports contain a great deal of information in regard to the Alabama's inception and operations. All this voluminous material has been gone over with care in the preparation of this volume, and the facts are set forth in a trustworthy, and it is hoped also, in a readable form.

CRUISE AND CAPTURES OF THE ALABAMA.

ENGLAND AND THE BLOCKADE.

In the decade preceding the Civil War in America the carrying trade of the United States had grown into a vast industry. The hardy seamen of New England had flung out the stars and stripes to every breeze, and cast anchor in the most remote regions where a paying cargo might be found. Up to October, 1862, they hardly felt that they had more at stake in the war of the Rebellion than any other loyal citizens. But in that month the news swept along the seaboard that the Alabama lay within a few days' sail of their harbors, dealing out swift vengeance upon all Northern vessels which came in her way.

Whether or not the decline of American shipping is principally due to unwise legislation, certain it is that its downfall dates from the appearance in the mid-Atlantic of this awful scourge of the seas. Northern newspapers called the craft a pirate, and no other word seemed to the New England sea captains adequate to describe the ruthless destroyer. Although regularly commissioned by the Confederate government, she never entered a Confederate port from the time she left the stocks until she tried conclusions with the Kearsarge off the coast of France; and this, together with the further fact that her crew was chiefly of European origin--largely English--was used as an argument that she could not be considered as a legitimate vessel of war. None of the great nations of the world adopted this view, however, and she was everywhere accorded the same treatment that was extended to war vessels of the United States.

Early in 1861 there sprang up in England a thriving trade in arms and munitions of war. While the cotton spinners of Lancashire were suffering from the loss of their usual supply of raw material, owing to the blockade of the ports of the Confederacy, the merchants of Liverpool were turning their attention to supplying the belligerants with the equipment necessary for the continuance of the conflict. Sales were made directly or indirectly to the Federal government, but the higher prices offered in the South tempted many to engage in the more hazardous traffic with the government at Richmond.

As the blockade gradually became more efficient, insurance companies refused longer to take the risk of loss on Southern commerce. But it still went on. The owners of a blockade runner were certain of enormous profits if they could succeed in getting through the lines, but, if captured, both vessel and cargo were confiscated by the Federal prize courts. The sleepy little village of Nassau in the Bahama islands awoke to find itself a great commercial emporium, and immense quantities of goods were soon collected there, awaiting transshipment within the Confederate lines.

According to the law of nations, vessels of neutral countries were not subject to seizure, unless actually attempting to run the blockade. Consequently, ocean steamers could land their cargoes at the English port of Nassau without danger, while smaller vessels, having less draught than the Federal war ships, could make the short run to the coast with better chances of escape. Liverpool was the principal European depot for this traffic, as Nassau was its principal depot on this side of the Atlantic.

In the spring of 1862 Confederate agents in England were still talking about the "paper blockade," but English merchants whose goods were piled up at Nassau found the blockade much more real than it had been represented to be. Their anxiety was somewhat lessened by the circulation of rumors that the blockade was shortly to be raised. Confederate vessels of war were to make an opening in the encircling fleets, and the blockade was to become so lax that it would no longer be recognized by European governments. Eventually these prophecies became tangible enough to connect themselves with a certain mysterious vessel which was at that very time lying in the Mersey awaiting her masts and rigging.

Charles Francis Adams was the United States minister to England, residing at London. The suspected character of the vessel was communicated to him by Thomas H. Dudley, the United States consul at Liverpool, and a strict watch was kept upon her.

And at last had come that long-deferred failure of republican institutions, which aristocracy and aristocracy's ancestors had been so confidently predicting--the breaking up of the American republic. The refusal of President Lincoln and the people of the North to acquiesce in the dismemberment of the Union was received at first with surprise and then with indignation. British commerce was seriously interfered with by the blockade. Spindles were idle all through the manufacturing districts in the west of England. And all because a blind and headstrong people persisted in an utterly hopeless war of conquest.

Abhorrence of chattel slavery was well nigh universal among the English people of all classes. Indeed, the existence of that institution in America was one of the principal indictments which aristocracy had been fond of bringing against her. The assertion that the North was waging a war for the extinguishment of slavery was laughed to scorn. Aristocracy pointed to the assertion of Lincoln in his inaugural address, that he had no intention or lawful right to interfere with slavery where it already existed and to similar statements of Republican leaders. The general opinion among the well-to-do classes was that the war was being fought on the part of the North for territory--for empire--or from motives of pride.

On the other hand, the mechanics and artizans were inclined to believe that the war was really a war against slavery, and that in the cause of the North was somehow bound up the cause of the poor and downtrodden generally. So it came about that associations of working men passed resolutions of sympathy with President Lincoln, and the craftsmen of Lancashire, who were the principal sufferers from the cotton famine, kept as their representative in parliament the free trade champion, Richard Cobden, an outspoken friend of the North.

ESCAPE OF THE "290."

In March, 1862, a steamer just in from an ocean voyage ran up the Mersey, and as she passed the suspected craft the flag of the latter was dipped to her. The new comer was the Annie Childs, and she had run the blockade. But there was more important freight on board than the cargo of cotton which she brought. Consul Dudley gained an interview with some of her crew, and learned that it was understood at Wilmington, South Carolina, whence they had come, that a number of war vessels for the use of the South were building in England, and that several officers for the Oreto, the name by which the suspected vessel was now known, had been passengers in the Annie Childs. These officers had come on board at Smithville, some twenty miles down the river from Wilmington. On the steamer they had talked of their future positions on the Oreto, of which Captain Bulloch was to have the command.

The complications arising in the case of this vessel warned the Confederate agents to be more guarded in their operations. The British Foreign Enlistment Act provided a penalty of fine and imprisonment and forfeiture of ship and cargo for any person who should "equip, furnish, fit out or arm" any vessel to be employed by any persons or real or assumed government against any other government at peace with Great Britain. This prohibition was generally understood not to extend to the construction of the vessel, no matter for what purpose she might be intended; and the existing state of public opinion was such that it required strong evidence to induce officials to act in a given case and a very well fortified cause of action to induce a jury to convict an owner of breaking the law.

Scarcely was the Oreto beyond English jurisdiction before Mr. Dudley's attention was occupied with another and more formidable vessel, which was suspected of being intended for the use of the Confederate government. She had been launched from the yard of Laird Brothers at Birkenhead, near Liverpool. The vessel had not yet even received a name, and was still known by her yard number, 290.

On June 29th, 1862, Mr. Adams called the attention of Lord John Russell, who was at the head of the British department of foreign affairs, to the suspicious character of the "290," and an investigation was ordered. The report of the custom house officers, made July 1, was to the effect that the "290" was still lying at Birkenhead, that she had on board several canisters of powder, but as yet neither guns nor carriages, and added that there was no attempt to disguise the fact that she was intended for a ship of war, and built for a foreign government, but that Laird Brothers did "not appear disposed to reply to any questions respecting the destination of the vessel after she leaves Liverpool." Having agreed to keep watch of the vessel, British officialdom concluded that it had done its entire duty in the premises, and the matter was dropped. Meanwhile Mr. Adams, who had all along been expecting exactly this result, had been in telegraphic communication with Cadiz, Spain, where the United States steamer Tuscarora had touched, and that war ship was now on her way to Southampton.

Mr. Adams had also caused a number of affidavits to be prepared, embodying as much evidence as to the character of the "290" as could be obtained. The affidavit of William Passmore was to the effect that he was a seaman and had served on board the English ship Terrible during the Crimean war. Hearing that hands were wanted for a fighting-vessel at Birkenhead, he applied to Captain Butcher for a berth in her.

"Captain Butcher asked me," the affidavit continued, "if I knew where the vessel was going, in reply to which I told him I did not rightly understand about it. He then told me the vessel was going out to the government of the Confederate States of America. I asked him if there would be any fighting, to which he replied, yes, they were going to fight for the Southern government. I told him I had been used to fighting-vessels and showed him my papers."

Captain Butcher then engaged him as an able seaman at ?4 10s. per month, and it was arranged that he should go on board the following Monday, which he did, and worked there several weeks. During that time Captain Butcher and Captain Bulloch, both having the reputation of being Confederate agents, were on board almost every day.

This affidavit with five others was laid before the customs officers, but the evidence was adjudged to be insufficient to warrant the detention of the vessel. Determined not to neglect any possible chance of stopping the "290" from getting to sea, the energetic United States minister placed copies of the affidavits before an eminent English lawyer, Mr. R. P. Collier, who arrived at a very different conclusion in regard to them. He said:

"It appears difficult to make out a stronger case of infringement of the foreign enlistment act, which, if not enforced on this occasion, is little better than a dead letter."

Armed with this opinion, Mr. Adams lost no time in laying it before Lord Russell, together with the affidavits upon which it was based. His success was an agreeable surprise. An official opinion was at last obtained to the effect that the "290" might lawfully be detained, and an order was issued in accordance therewith.

The Confederate agents were well aware of the efforts of Mr. Adams and his assistants, and suspected the nature of the errand of the Tuscarora. Friends of the builders and others were invited to participate in a trial trip of "No. 290" on July 29th. Her armament was not yet on board. The still unfinished deck was decorated with flags, and occupied by a gay party of pleasure seekers, including a number of ladies, and several British custom house officials. The vessel dropped down the Mersey, and the revellers partook of luncheon in the cabin. Then a tug steamed alongside, and the surprised guests were requested to step on board. Bunting and luncheon were hastily hustled out of the way, and holiday ease instantly gave way to the work of getting to sea. Anchor was dropped in Moelfre Bay on the coast of Wales, and preparations for a voyage were rapidly pushed forward. A tug brought out about twenty-five more men, and the crew signed shipping articles for Nassau.

At two o'clock on the morning of July 31st "No. 290" turned her prow toward the Irish sea. On the same morning came the British officials with the order for her detention. Information of the proposed seizure had leaked out through the medium of Confederate spies, and the bird had flown.

Meanwhile the Federal agents had discovered the location of "No. 290" at Moelfre Bay, and the Tuscarora proceeded to Queenstown and thence up St. George's Channel in quest of her. Mr. Adams telegraphed Captain Craven:

At latest yesterday she was off Point Lynas; you must catch her if you can, and, if necessary, follow her across the Atlantic.

But the fleeing steamer passed through the North Channel, around the north coast of Ireland and vanished in the broad ocean. The Tuscarora at once abandoned the chase.

ARMING AT THE AZORES.

Captain Bulloch had gone ashore with the pilot at the Giant's Causeway, in the north of Ireland, and the vessel was under the command of Captain Butcher. During the next nine days the "290" struggled with strong head winds and a heavy sea, shaping her course toward the southwest. The speed at which she was driven was attended with some damage to the vessel and considerable discomfort to her crew, but immediate armament was a pressing necessity, and haste was made the first consideration.

On the 10th of August the welcome words "Land ho!" were wafted down from the foremasthead, and the "290" or "Enrica," as she had been christened in the shipping articles, came to an anchor--not at Nassau, but in the secluded bay of Praya in the little-frequented island of Terceira, one of the Azores. As an excuse for anchoring in their bay Captain Butcher represented to the Portuguese authorities that his engines had broken down. This being accepted as sufficient, the crew set to work ostensibly to repair them, but really to prepare the vessel for the reception of her guns. Three days were spent in quarantine. The inhabitants treated the new comers very civilly, and they were regaled with fruits and vegetables. Water was scarce, and meat had to be brought from Angra, on the other side of the island. On the 13th a United States whaling schooner arrived, and one of the crew of the "Enrica" was indiscreet enough to make known the real character of his vessel, whereupon the whaler hastily departed.

At last, on the 18th of August, the anxiety of Captain Butcher was relieved by the arrival of the bark Agrippina from London, under command of Captain McQueen, with a cargo of ammunition, coal, stores of various kinds, and the necessary guns for the steamer's armament. In response to the inquiries of the harbor officials her commander stated that she had sprung a leak, which would necessitate repairs before she could resume her voyage.

The next day Captain Butcher ran alongside the bark, and having erected a pair of large shears, proceeded to transfer her cargo to the deck of the "Enrica." This brought off the Portuguese officials, furious that he should presume to communicate with a vessel which had two more days of quarantine to run. They were told that the Agrippina was in a sinking condition, and a removal of her cargo was absolutely necessary in order to repair the leak. Finally, Captain Butcher, feigning a passion in his turn, protested angrily that he was only performing a service of humanity, and was doing no more for the captain of the bark than any Englishman would do for another in distress.

The Portuguese withdrew, and the transshipment proceeded without further protest. Two days later when this work was nearly completed, the smoke of a steamer was discovered on the horizon. After a period of anxious suspense on board the two vessels, she was made out from signals to be the English steamer Bahama, from Liverpool, commanded by Captain Tessier. She had on board the future officers of the "Enrica," about thirty more seamen, ,000 in English sovereigns and ,000 in bank bills, together with some less important stores. Captain Bulloch was also a passenger in her.

The Bahama took the Agrippina in tow, and the three vessels proceeded around to Angra. Here there was more trouble with the authorities. The latter could hardly help knowing the warlike character of the stores which were being transferred, and notwithstanding the fact that the British flag was flying from all three of the vessels, they suspected some connection between them and the war in America. In common with other European governments, Portugal had issued a proclamation of neutrality, and all her subjects had been warned to conform to the international law governing neutrals.

Captain Bulloch flitted from vessel to vessel, accompanied sometimes by a small man with a gray mustache and wearing citizen's clothes, whom the officers of the "Enrica" greeted as Captain Semmes, late commander of the Confederate States steamer Sumter. Captain Butcher was still nominally in command, and communications from the shore came addressed to him. An English consul was stationed at Angra, and he sent word that the authorities insisted that the vessels should go to East Angra, as West Angra was not a port of entry. Captain Butcher replied that he wished to take in coal from the bark, and that he would go outside the marine league for that purpose. The three vessels stood along the coast. Gun carriages were hoisted out and as many guns mounted as possible. At night the "Enrica" and the bark returned to Angra. The Bahama kept outside. The next morning the English consul came on board with several custom house officials, and the ships having been regularly entered on the custom house books, Portuguese dignity was satisfied, and peace once more reigned supreme.

Late on Saturday evening, August 23d, the coaling was finished, and six of the eight guns on the "Enrica" were ready for use. The next day the vessels steered for the open sea, and the officers of the newly armed steamer, having made certain beyond the possibility of dispute that they were outside of Portuguese jurisdiction, the seamen were called aft, and Captain Semmes, in full Confederate uniform, stepped upon the quarter deck and read his commission from Jefferson Davis. A starboard gun emphasized the chameleon change, as the British flag dropped to the deck and was replaced by the stars and bars.

The new-made warship now had a commander, but she still had no crew. It was an anxious moment for Captain Semmes. The success of his enterprise lay in the hands of the motley group of sailors before him, representing nearly every country of western Europe, and gathered up in the sailors' boarding houses of Liverpool. Under written instructions from Captain Bulloch, Clarence R. Yonge, who was to be paymaster, had fraternized with the crew on the outward voyage and done what was possible to impress them with the justice of the Southern cause, and what was probably more to the purpose, told them what might be looked for in the way of pay and prize money. Other emissaries had been equally active among the thirty men who came out in the Bahama. But none of these men had signed anything by which they could be bound, and who could say what notions might be in their heads?

The small band played "Dixie," and as the last strains died away Captain Semmes began his speech to the crew. He briefly explained the causes of the war as viewed from the Southern standpoint, and said that he felt sure that Providence would bless their efforts to rid the South of the Yankees. The mission of the vessel, he said, was to cripple the commerce of the United States, but he should not refuse battle under proper conditions. There were only four or five Northern vessels which were more than a match for them, and in an English built heart of oak like this and surrounded as he saw himself by British hearts of oak, he would not strike his flag for any one of them.

"Let me once see you proficient in the use of your weapons," he said, "and trust me for very soon giving you an opportunity to show the world of what metal you are made."

The cruise would be one of excitement and adventure. They would visit many parts of the world, where they would have "liberty" given them on proper occasions. They would receive about double the ordinary wages, and payment would be made in gold. In addition to this, the Confederate government would vote them prize money for every vessel and cargo destroyed.

When the boatswain's call announced the close of the meeting eighty men out of the two crews signed the new articles. Those who refused to sign were given free passage to England in the Bahama. Captain Bulloch took a fraternal leave of Captain Semmes, the Bahama and the Agrippina set sail for British waters, and the Confederate States sloop-of-war Alabama went forth on her mission of destruction.

SEMMES AND HIS OFFICERS.

Captain Raphael Semmes was a typical representative of Southern chivalry. He was an ardent admirer of the South and a firm believer in her peculiar "institution." His memoirs, written after the war, breathe secession in every line. He was born in Charles county, Maryland, Sept. 27, 1809. At the age of seventeen he received an appointment as midshipman, but did not enter active service until six years later, meanwhile adding the study of law to his naval studies. In 1834, at the end of his first cruise, he was admitted to the bar. In 1837 he was made a lieutenant, and commanded the United States brig Somers, which assisted in blockading the Mexican coast during the war with that country. While in chase of another vessel a terrific gale arose. The Somers was foundered and most of her crew were drowned. A court martial acquitted Semmes of any fault in this matter, and in 1855 was promoted to the rank of commander. In February, 1861, he was a member of the Lighthouse Board, of which body he had been secretary for several years.

The provisional government of the Confederacy was not yet a fortnight old when he was summoned to Montgomery. Hastily resigning his Federal commission, he met Jefferson Davis in that city, and was soon speeding northward on an important mission. Mr. Davis had not yet fully made up his cabinet, had not even a private secretary apparently, for Semmes' instructions were in Davis' own handwriting. The funds for the trip were borrowed from a private banker. Semmes visited the arsenals at Richmond and Washington, and the principal workshops in New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts, in search of information and supplies. In New York he procured a large quantity of percussion caps, and shipped them to Montgomery. Thousands of pounds of gunpowder were also shipped southward by him before any hindrance was placed in the way of such operations.

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