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WOMAN

WOMEN OF MODERN FRANCE

HUGO P. THIEME, Ph.D. Of the University of Michigan

In all ages and in all countries

WOMEN OF MODERN FRANCE

HUGO P. THIEME, Ph.D. Of the University of Michigan

PREFACE Among the Latin races, the French race differs essentially in one characteristic which has been the key to the success of French women--namely, the social instinct. The whole French nation has always lived for the present time, in actuality, deriving from life more of what may be called social pleasure than any other nation. It has been a universal characteristic among French people since the sixteenth century to love to please, to make themselves agreeable, to bring joy and happiness to others, and to be loved and admired as well. With this instinctive trait French women have always been bountifully endowed. Highly emotional, they love to charm, and this has become an art with them; balancing this emotional nature is the mathematical quality. These two combined have made French women the great leaders in their own country and among women of all races. They have developed the art of studying themselves; and the art of coquetry, which has become a virtue, is a science with them. The singular power of discrimination, constructive ability, calculation, subtle intriguing, a clear and concise manner of expression, a power of conversation unequalled in women of any other country, clear thinking: all these qualities have been strikingly illustrated in the various great women of the different periods of the history of France, and according to these they may by right be judged; for their moral qualities have not always been in accordance with the standard of other races.

According as these two fundamental qualities, the emotional and mathematical, have been developed in individual women, we meet the different types which have made themselves prominent in history. The queens of France, in general, have been submissive and pious, dutiful and virtuous wives, while the mistresses have been bold and frivolous, licentious and self-assertive. The women outside of these spheres either looked on with indifference or regret at the all-powerfulness of this latter class, unable to change conditions, or themselves enjoyed the privilege of the mistress.

It must be remembered that in the great social circles in France, especially from the sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth centuries, marriage was a mere convention, offences against it being looked upon as matters concerning manners, not morals; therefore, much of the so-called gross immorality of French women may be condoned. It will be seen in this history that French women have acted banefully on politics, causing mischief, inciting jealousy and revenge, almost invariably an instrument in the hands of man, acting as a disturbing element. In art, literature, religion, and business, however, they have ever been a directing force, a guide, a critic and judge, an inspiration and companion to man.

It has been the aim of this history of French women to present the results rather than the actual happenings of their lives, and these have been gathered from the most authoritative and scholarly publications on the subject, to which the writer herewith wishes to give all credit.

Hugo Paul Thieme.

WOMAN IN POLITICS

French women of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, when studied according to the distinctive phases of their influence, are best divided into three classes: those queens who, as wives, represented virtue, education, and family life; the mistresses, who were instigators of political intrigue, immorality, and vice; and the authoresses and other educated women, who constituted themselves the patronesses of art and literature.

This division is not absolute by any means; for we see that in the sixteenth century the regent-mother , in extent of influence, fills the same position as does the mistress in the eighteenth century; though in the former period appears, in Diana of Poitiers, the first of a long line of ruling mistresses.

Queen-consorts, in the sixteenth as in the following centuries, exercised but little influence; they were, as a rule, gentle and obedient wives--even Catherine, domineering as she afterward showed herself to be, betraying no signs of that trait until she became regent.

The literary women and women of spirit and wit furthered all intellectual and social development; but it was the mistresses--those great women of political schemes and moral degeneracy--who were vested with the actual importance, and it must in justice to them be said that they not infrequently encouraged art, letters, and mental expansion.

Anne may be said to belong to the transition period--that period in which the condition of slavery and obscurity which fettered the women of the Middle Ages gave place to almost untrammelled liberty. The queen held a separate court in great state, at Blois and Des Tournelles, and here elegance, even magnificence, of dress was required of her ladies. At first, this unprecedented demand caused discontent among men, who at that time far surpassed women in elaborateness of costume and had, consequently, been accustomed to the use of their surplus wealth for their own purposes. Under Anne's influence, court life underwent a complete transformation; her receptions, which were characterized by royal splendor, became the centre of attraction.

Anne of Brittany, the last queen of France of the Middle Ages and the first of the modern period, was a model of virtuous conduct, conjugal fidelity, and charity. Having complete control over her own immense wealth, she used it largely for beneficent purposes; to her encouragement much of the progress of art and literature in France was due. Hers was an example that many of the later queens endeavored to follow, but it cannot be said that they ever exerted a like influence or exhibited an equal power of initiation and self-assertion.

Louise used all means to bring before the king beautiful women through whom she planned to preserve her influence over him. One of these frail beauties, Fran?oise de Foix, completely won the heart of the monarch; her ascendency over him continued for a long period, in spite of the machinations of Louise, who, when Francis escaped her control, sought to bring disrepute and discredit upon the fair mistress.

The mother, however, remained the powerful factor in politics. With an abnormal desire to hoard money, an unbridled temper, and a violent and domineering disposition, she became the most powerful and dangerous, as well as the most feared, woman of all France. During her regency the state coffers were pillaged, and plundering was carried on on all sides. One of her acts at this time was to cause the recall of Charles of Bourbon, then Governor of Milan; this measure was taken as much for the purpose of obtaining revenge for his scornful rejection of her offer of marriage as for the hope of eventually bringing him to her side.

Upon the return of Charles, she immediately began plotting against him, including in her hatred Fran?oise de Foix, the king's mistress, at whom Bourbon frequently cast looks of pity which the furiously jealous Louise interpreted as glances of love. As a matter of fact, Bourbon, being strictly virtuous, was out of reach of temptation by the beauties of the court, and there were no grounds for jealousy.

This love of Louise for Charles of Bourbon is said to have owed most of its ardor to her hope of coming into possession of his immense estates. She schemed to have his title to them disputed, hoping that, by a decree of Parliament, they might be taken from him; the idea in this procedure was that Bourbon, deprived of his possessions, must come to her terms, and she would thus satisfy--at one and the same time--her passion and her cupidity.

Louise was always surrounded by a bevy of young ladies, selected beauties of the court, whose natural charms were greatly enhanced by the lavishness of their attire. Always ready to further the plans of their mistreschill's statement on that date was accepted as final. But since, on the other hand, his conclusion was preceded by the clause, "I am not yet in a position to state the full result of my inquiries," there still remained the possibility of the appearance of further evidence which might modify this conclusion. With this idea in view the following letter was penned:

Durham House,

May 14th, 1914.

Sir:

On the 8th of May, 1911, the Secretary of State for Home Affairs, Mr. Winston Churchill, made the following statement in the House of Commons: "I am not yet in a position to state the full result of my inquiries with regard to Mormon propaganda in this country and America, but I have not so far discovered any ground for legislative action in the matter."

I am desirous of ascertaining the conclusions drawn, or the result of the inquiries on the "Mormon" question, spoken of above, and should therefore deem it a favor to receive an official copy of same.

In the event that this not available, could the records containing such facts be viewed by appointment, and could citations be made to some reliable periodical containing the facts in the case?

Thanking you in anticipation of this favor, and apologizing for this intrusion upon your valuable time,

I am, Sir,

Yours sincerely,

ARTHUR L. BEELEY.

RT. HON. REGINALD MCKENNA, K.C.,

Home Office,

Whitehall,

London, S.W.

The following letter was received in reply:

Home Office,

Whitehall,

Sir,

In reply to your letter of the 14th instant, with reference to the Mormon propaganda in this country and in America, I am directed by the Secretary of State to say that no official report has been published, but that the extensive enquiries which were made did not reveal any grounds for legislative action.

The Secretary of State regrets that it would be contrary to practice to accede to your request to be allowed to see the official records dealing with this matter.

I am, Sir,

Your obedient Servant,

A.J. EAGLESTON.

ARTHUR L. BEELEY, ESQ.,

Durham House,

It is apparent, therefore, that the "extensive enquiries" would be made through the very effective channels at the disposal of the Home Secretary, viz., the different police forces. Now, it is an absolute fact, and has later become common knowledge, that the various police forces throughout the United Kingdom were instructed to make full inquiries into these allegations and to report their findings to the Home Office. The fact that eight different members of Parliament, each representing different constituencies, brought the matter before the attention of the House of Commons, is further proof that the inquiries would be thorough and universal, i.e., not confined to any one part of the country. The fact that the question was debated eight times within nine months on the floor of the House of Commons is further evidence that the question had become an aggravated one and would be dealt with "very thoroughly," as Mr. Churchill promised. Again, the fact, as stated by Mr. Churchill on the 18th of November, 1911, that the allegations which reached the Home Office were inquired into and no ground for action found, is an additional reason for believing that the inquiries would be thorough-going. In this connection let it be borne in mind that Mr. Churchill, on the 20th April, 1911, stated that "the whole question is receiving consideration," and on the 6th of March, 1911, said: "I am treating it in a serious spirit, and looking into it very thoroughly."

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