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WOMAN

VOLUME II

In All Ages and in All Countries

ROMAN WOMEN

Rev. ALFRED BRITTAIN

PREFACE The student of history does not proceed far in his researches before he discovers that human nature is a fixed quality. Other lands, other manners; other times, other customs. But the man behind the manner is essentially the same; the woman under the changed custom is not thereby rendered essentially different, any more than she is by a varying of costume. The women of ancient Rome exemplified the same virtues, and were impelled by the same foibles as are the women of to-day. And the difference in environment, the vanished conditions of Roman life, gain large scientific interest from the fact that they did not result in any dissimilarity of fundamental character. If, by the most violent exercise of the imagination, it were possible to transport a female infant of the twentieth century, and cause her to be reared among the women of the Augustan age, she would fit as naturally into her surroundings as she would into the present society of London or of New York. Her legal status would be different; her moral conceptions would be unlike those of the present age; her duties, pleasures, privileges, and limitations would combine to make the accidents of life very different. But underneath all this, the same humanity, the same femininity, the same habits of mind are revealed. Herein is the chief use of history--above that of gratifying natural curiosity--the ascertaining how human nature will comport itself under varying conditions. The author hopes that the following pages, wherein the Roman woman is taken as an illustration, will be found of use to the student of the science of humanity, and not uninteresting to the reader inquisitive as to the manner of the ancient civilization.

ALFRED BRITTAIN.

THE WOMAN OF LEGENDARY ROME

The conditions which governed the life of woman in the earliest days of Roman history are too far removed from the searchlight of historical investigation for us to essay to indicate them with any degree of fulness and accuracy of detail. While it is true that the ancient writers have bequeathed to us records of historic events from the very founding of their nation, the source of their information is very questionable and its authenticity extremely doubtful. Rome did not cultivate literature until very late in her history; she was too greatly preoccupied in her r?le of conquering the world. At a time when every Greek was acquainted with the noblest poetry produced by his gifted race, Rome had not produced a single writer whose name has been preserved. And if at that time she had possessed any men of letters, it is quite certain that there were few of her citizens who would have been able to read their works. Hence, when the first attempt was made to write her history, the authors depended principally for their material on traditions and legends which, as is the case with all such lore, had gained greatly in marvellousness at the expense of historical value. In addition to these sources, it is probable that during the early centuries annals were kept of the principal happenings in the State. According to Cicero, they were written at the end of each year by the high priest. These records were used by the first historians; and it is likely that the latter were not so greatly restrained, by their literary conscience, from enlarging on the material, as they were tempted, according to the power of their imagination, to present a picture both interesting and satisfactory to the national pride. In many cases, as where the exact words of their characters are reported, the ancient historians evidently deemed that any deficiencies in the matter of proof were abundantly atoned for by the explicitness of the information given.

The story of Rome from its founding to the end of the regal period, as it is told in the ancient classics, is no longer accepted as history. It is, for the most part, classified with those mythical creations with which an uncultured people endeavor to account for the origin and the evolution and revolutions of their race. Yet, passing over the marvellous and the manifestly impossible, why may we not at least claim the right to believe the compilers of these ancient legends, when they tell us of certain names that were great in the beginning of their nation? Modern criticism may be right in asserting that it is not likely that the city on the Tiber was called Roma because a man named Romulus selected an uninhabited site and built upon it. Yet why may we not be allowed to believe that in those early times there was one hero so strong and masterful that he came to be known as pre?minently the "Man of Rome"? The character may have been a real one, even though the city gave him his name, instead of the reverse, as later generations surmised. And inasmuch as there is an Alexandria, not to speak of innumerable modern "villes" with well-known surnames for prefixes, it need not be thought a thing entirely incredible that the ancient city was really called after the man who established its importance.

It is the habit of modern historians to look with suspicion upon stories such as those which form our sole material for any personal illustration in this present chapter, because they are of a kind so generally found in the legends of all nations. But may not the multiplication of these long-lived narratives, instead of disproving the intrinsic truth of any given one, simply serve to illustrate the fact that, human nature being a permanent factor, the doings of men under similar circumstances, in any age or locality, will be marked by a uniformity of character? For our present purpose, however, if in such twilight as is given by long-preserved monuments and ancient relics, we choose to fancy that we perceive, moving about in their daily life, the feminine forms of traditional lore, the combination will only serve to form a more human, and really not less accurate, picture.

The limits of our subject do not require that we should go back so far as the epoch of AEneas, the hero of Troy; nor need we take into consideration the part which he and Lavinia, his wife, may have played upon the Latin shores. Their traditional coming to Italy simply serves to indicate the fact that nearly all the tribes which inhabited the country at the commencement of Roman history were of the same branch of the great Aryan race as the Greeks. The Romans were the brothers of the Greeks. The former were of that same lithe, supple-bodied, straight-featured type which the wonderful art of the latter has enthroned, for all the ages, as the noblest realization of ideal physical beauty.

But when we consider the rude conditions under which life was passed, it is probable that the highest examples of feminine grace would, in many respects, be open to severe criticism from the civilized and artificial taste which has prevailed in after ages. Those were the days of Arcadian simplicity, which poetry has peopled with sweet and enticing Phyllises and Chloes, whose only occupation was to listen to the pipings of languishing shepherds. But, in reality, though life was simple and wants were few, the women, as in all semi-civilized communities, gave an overplus of labor in return for the special exertions of the men in the chase and the combat. Hence, though the poetic conception may be alluring, we are compelled to believe that the reality possessed but few advantages that could arouse the envy of a modern village maiden. The woman of earliest Rome was wholly a product of nature, endowed only with the unfailing charms of femininity, which were solely reinforced with the perfect health and vigor which come from a simple life.

Of such a type we may imagine Rhea Sylvia, the legendary mother of Romulus and Remus. She was the daughter of a king, but one who was not a monarch in the later significance of the title. Of kings there were many in the Latium of those days. The title meant merely the patriarch of a clan, or the head man of a small city. The regal abode was probably a small, round structure, built of wood and roofed with straw. It may have consisted of only one room, with a hole in the ceiling to admit light and allow the smoke to escape. Of furniture there was little more than rude tables and grass or leaf covered couches, together with the Lares, or household gods. But though life conditioned by such meagre accessories was simple, it was by no means idle, and there existed no such contempt for labor and handicraft among the Latin tribesmen as grew up in later times. The king himself followed the plow, while his wife and daughters were busy with the distaff and spindle, the hand loom and the needle. It was the duty of the women to spin the wool and to make all the clothing for the household. Education consisted solely of the training in the requirements of this simple life, and was provided by no school other than the daily experience which the boys and girls gathered among their elders. The art of writing was in the earliest days not entirely unknown, though, during long years of slow development, it was employed only in painting public records on leaves and skins; or, if greater permanence was required, the records were scratched upon tablets of wood. The amusements of the people consisted mainly of the festivals and athletic games which were held in honor of the gods. If it might only be believed that this life was as pleasant as it is pictured by Virgil, it would be easy to sympathize with the poet when he declares that he pined for such an existence himself. "The husbandman cleaves the earth with the crooked plow.... Winter comes: the Sicyonian berry is pounded in the oil presses; and the autumn lays down its various productions.... Meanwhile, the sweet babes twine around their parents' necks; his chaste family maintain their purity. The swain himself celebrates festal days; and extended on the grass, where a fire is in the middle, and where his companions crown the bowl, invokes thee, O Lanaeus, making libation. On an elm is set forth to the masters of the flock prizes to be contended for with the winged javelin; and they strip their rustic bodies for the friendly struggle." Elsewhere the poet describes a home scene, where the man is working by the light of the winter fire: "Meanwhile, his spouse, cheering by song her tedious labor, runs over the webachin olla rauhassa unelmamaailmassaan; siell? h?nen on parempi olla kuin me aavistammekaan, eik? h?n sit?paitsi tunne meit? en??!

Lage Lang saapui paikalle; kun h?n n?ki vanhan yst?v?ns?, joutui h?n vimmoihinsa ja tahtoi esitt?? el?k??n- ja hurraahuudon meid?n suurimmalle maalarillemme, mutta onneksi t?m? saatiin estetyksi, sill? olisi kai kutsuttu poliisia, eik? salissa ollut sit?paitsi ket??n, joka olisi tuntenut maalaria, ellei mahdollisesti h?per?n? ja rappiolle joutuneena ihmisen?, jonka punainen fetsi ja omituiset eleet olivat her?tt?neet huomiota kaduilla.

Syrach sai istua rauhassa; h?n istui nyt katse kohotettuna yli ihmisjoukon, ik??nkuin ei olisi n?hnyt heit?, vaan silm?illen kauaksi yl?s h?n viihtyi unelmiensa parissa, joita ei voinut n?ytt?? toisille.

Alakuloisuus valtasi mielet G?talaisissa huoneissa, ja ukkosta oli ilmassa. Mutta ennenkuin se puhkesi, olivat professorit poistuneet.

Pilvi oli j?ljell?; voitoniloa sumensi kuolleiden ja haavoittuneiden lukeminen; eik? Syrach ollut ainoa kaatuneiden joukossa.

Viimein vaikeni soitto salongissa; tuli puoliy?, ja suuri sali oli autio ja sinisen savupilven peitossa. Pienell? marmorip?yd?ll?, jonka ??ress? Syrach oli istunut, loisti veripunainen t?pl?. Se oli ruusu, jossa tuo ylenm??rin tunteellinen mies oli viimein vainunnut vihollisen, ja jonka h?n oli j?tt?nyt paikoilleen.

Hajaannuttiin ja kunniavieras saatettiin alas. Kadulla vartosivat komeat ajopelit, joissa istui j??k?ri ajomiehen vieress?. J??k?rill? oli t?yht?j? hatussa ja kuvetappara sivulla.

-- Kuka on niin hieno, ett? ajaa seitsenlasivaunuilla? kysyi Sell?n.

J??k?ri seisoi avoimen vaunun oven ??ress? ja laski sis??n suuren Langin.

-- Min? vaan! sanoi Lage; asun serkkuni luona Norjan ministerihotellissa, jonne te olette kutsutut p?iv?llisille ylihuomenna, joka sorkka.

Vanha boheemi hurrasi; norjalaisen viittauksesta vaunut t?yttyiv?t ja l?htiv?t vy?rym??n Blasieholmenia kohti. Tohtori Borg oli ottanut j??k?rin kolmikulmaisen hatun ja kuvetapparan sek? tahtoi v?ltt?m?tt?m?sti "komentaa ajoa", kuten h?n sanoi, se on saada ohjakset k?siins? ja ajaa Stallm?stareg?rdeniin.

-- Ole varuillasi! huusi Isak Levi.

-- Ei minusta tule l??kint?neuvosta, vastasi Borg. -- Ja luullen olevansa purjeveneess??n, h?n huusi:

-- Tiukentakaa! -- k??nnet??n! T?ysin purjein!

Mutta samassa vaunut ajoivat ministerihotellin pihalle.

Borg tahtoi saada aineita pihalle, mutta vaikka norjalainen piti sit? t?ysin kohtuullisena, estiv?t toiset kuitenkin kujeen; ja j??hyv?iset lausuttiin vihdoin viimein.

Senj?lkeen alkoi y?vaellus, juhlien j?lkeen tavanmukainen, jolloin tahdottiin sanoa kaikki, mit? sis?ll? j?i sanomatta.

Siis kantajoukko: tohtori Borg, Kurt Borg, Isak Levi ja Sell?n, kulki ensin rantakatuja ja katseli linnaa, kuten tavallisesti.

-- Tuolla on linna! sanoi Kurt, arkkitehti; se pysyy paikoillaan, se.

-- Pysyy aikansa, virkkoi tohtori vastaan; mutta kun graniittinen valtiop?iv?talo valmistuu Helgeandsholmenille, niin murenevat tiilit tuolla ylh??ll?.

-- Miksik?s ei; ajan henkih?n on sellainen, puuttui Levi puheeseen. Hallitushan istuu valtiop?ivill? nyttemmin, mutta syyt? siihen ei tied? kukaan; perustuslain mukaan kuningas valitsee itse neuvonantajansa, mutta nyt valitsee Karl Ifvarsson ne.

-- Sin? olet hullu!

-- En; Karl Ifvarsson m??r?? valiokuntavaalit ja p??tt?? siis, milloinka ministerit eroavat. Silloinpa h?n kai on hallitsija.

-- Kuulkaahan, t?ss? on uuden oopperan paikka, keskeytti Sell?n, joka ei siet?nyt politiikkaa.

-- Niin, nyth?n puuhataan oopperaa; mit? valtiop?iv?t sanovat siit??

-- Siell? ei tahdota enemmist?oopperaa, vaan saa siit? tulla kunnallisooppera perustanaan Lagerlund ja pohjakerros.

Senj?lkeen he l?htiv?t liikkeelle Norrbron ja Mynttikadun poikki torille.

-- Tuollahan on viel? Ritarihuonekin! sanoi Sell?n.

-- Niin on, ja min? olin mukana, kun se suljettiin, puuttui tohtori Borg puheeseen. Ajatelkaahan meid?n suuria miehi?mme viime t?ysi-istunnossa! Tuo suurista suurin; sellainen loppu!

-- Ja tuolla on Riddarholmankirkko; siell? on Kaarle kahdestoista ja kaikki muut!

-- Tarkoitat Kustaa Aadolfia, vaikka et uskalla sanoa.

-- Niin, Kustaa Aadolf; tied?ttek?, ett? tuota pient? hautakuoria nimitet??n Vasaborgilaiseksi, ja siell? lep?? h?nen ja Margaretha Cabeljoun poika?

-- Aivan niin, ja se on sangen mautonta; mutta oletteko n?hneet ukko Cabeljoun hautakive? kirkossa? Min? en ole n?hnyt sit?, mutta se mainitaan er??ss? kirkkoa koskevassa kuvauksessa. Niin vaalitaan meid?n suuria muistojamme! He voisivat varsin kernaasti loihtia pois nuo Cabeljout!

-- Luin t?ss? ?skett?in, mink?lainen penkominen pantiin toimeen Saint-Denis'ss? 1793, jolloin kaikki kuninkaiden haudat avattiin ja tyhjennettiin, selitti tohtori. Siell? saattoi tehd? joukon mielt?kiinnitt?vi? fysioloogisia kokeita. Ludvig viidestoista oli esimerkiksi vain kuin jonkinlaista mustaa m?d?ntynytt? haisevaa tervalaitetta...

-- Kuulkaahan, kun me nyt t?ss? alamme k?yd? kirkkohartaiksi, niin ettek? tahdo tulla katsomaan minun kirkkoani, sanoi arkkitehti Borg; en ole tosin rakentanut sit?, mutta olen pannut sen entiseen kuntoon; avaimet ovat taskussani, ja Isak saa soittaa urkuja, jos h?nt? haluttaa.

Se miellytti tohtoria, ja nyt k??nnyttiin samaa tiet? takaisin katsomaan Kurtin kirkkoa, kuten sit? nimitettiin.

Kun nuo nelj? olivat astuneet puolipime??n temppeliin, jonka holveja ulkona palavat kaasulyhdyt ainoastaan heikosti valaisivat, vaikutti rakennuksen suuruus ja holvien kauniit viivat vasten heid?n tahtoaan valtavasti heihin; he paljastivat p??ns? ja kulkivat ??nett?m?sti alttaria kohti.

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