Read Ebook: An Enquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot by Brown J Wood James Wood

Font size: 10 px 15 px 20 px 25 px 30 px 35 px

Background color: BlackWhiteGrayLight GrayDark GrayDim Gray

Text color: BlackWhiteGrayLight GrayDark GrayDim Gray

Apply/Save settings

Ebook has 701 lines and 92874 words, and 15 pages

State of Scotland in the twelfth century--Necessity of foreign travel to scholars bred there--Michael Scot: his Nation and Birthplace.--The account given by Boece, how far it is to be believed--The date of Scot's birth and nature of his first studies--Scot at Paris: his growing fame, and the degrees he won in that school--Probability that further study at Bologna formed the introduction to his life in the south, 1

The legendary fame of Scot--Nature of the magic then studied in Spain--Reasons for thinking that Scot's fame as a magician is mostly mythical--Origin of the story in his connection with the Emperor, and from the place and nature of his Spanish studies--Probability that he composed a work on algebra, which was afterwards mistaken for something magical--His association with the Arthurian legend in its southern development confirms his character as a magician, and may have suggested several details in the stories that are told concerning him, 179

INDEX, 277

Frontispiece, A Magician, from the S. Maria Novella Fresco--Photogravure by Alinari, Florence

Vignette on Title--The Eildons, from an engraving kindly lent by Messrs. A. and C. Black, London

BIRTHPLACE AND EARLY STUDIES OF MICHAEL SCOT

In the Borders of Scotland it is well known that any piece of hill pasture, if it be fenced in but for a little from the constant cropping of the sheep, will soon show springing shoots of forest trees indigenous to the soil, whose roots remain wherever the plough has not passed too deeply. Centuries ago, when nature had her way and was unrestrained, the whole south-eastern part of the country was covered with dense forests and filled with forest-dwellers; the wild creatures that form the prey of the snare and the quarry of the chase. In the deep valleys, and by the streams of Tweed and Teviot, and many another river of that well-watered land, stood the great ranks and masses of the oak and beech as captains and patriarchs of the forest, mingled with the humbler whitethorn which made a dense undergrowth wherever the sun could reach. On the heights grew the sombre firs; their gnarled and ruddy branches crowned with masses of bluish-green foliage, while the alders followed the water-courses, and, aided by the shelter of these secret valleys, all but reached the last summits of the hills, which alone, in many a varied slope and peak and swelling breast, rose eminent and commanding over these dark and almost unbroken woodlands.

Such was south-eastern Scotland in the twelfth century: a country fitted to be the home of men of action rather than of thought; men whose joy should lie in the chase and the conflict with nature as yet unsubdued, who could track the savage creatures of the forest to their dens, and clear the land where it pleased them, and build, and dwell, and beget children in their own likeness, till by the labours of generations that country should become pastoral, peaceful, and fit for fertile tillage as we see it now.

Already, at the early time of which we speak, something of this work had been begun. There were gaps in the high forest where it lay well to the sun: little clearings marked by the ridge and furrow of a rude agriculture. Here and there a baron's lonely tower raised its grey horn on high, sheltering a troop of men-at-arms who made it their business to guard the land in war, and in peace to rid it of the savage forest-creatures that hindered the hind and herd in their labour and their hope. In the main valleys more than one great monastery was rising, or already built, by the waters of Tweed and Teviot. The inmates of these religious houses took their share in the whole duty of peaceful Scottish men by following trades at home or superintending the labours of an army of hinds who broke in and made profitable the wide abbey lands scattered here and there over many a lowland county. All was energy, action, and progress: a form of life which left but little room for the enterprises of the mind, the conflicts and conquests which can alone be known and won in the world of thought within.

But though the nature of this primitive life in early Scottish days could not hinder the appearance of men of thought, and even helped their development as soon as they began to show the movements of active intellect, yet on the other hand Scotland had not reached that culture which affords such natures their due and full opportunity. Centuries were yet to pass before the foundation of St. Andrews as the first Scottish university. The grammar-schools of the country were but a step to the studies of some foreign seat of learning. The churchmen who filled considerable positions at home were either Italians, or had at least been trained abroad, so that everything in those days pointed to that path of foreign study which has since been trodden by so many generations of Scottish students. The bright example of Scotus Erigena, who had reached such a high place in France under Charles the Bald, was an incitement to the northern world of letters. Young men of parts and promise naturally sought their opportunity to go abroad in the hope of finding like honourable employment, or, better still, of returning crowned with the honours of the schools to occupy some distinguished ecclesiastical position in their native country.

This then was the age, and these were the prevailing conditions, under which Michael Scot was born. To the necessary and common impulse of Scottish scholars we are to trace the disposition of the great lines on which his life ran its remarkable and distinguished course. He is certainly one of the most notable, as he is among the earliest, examples of the student Scot abroad.

Nor are we altogether without the means of coming to what seems at least a probable conclusion regarding the very district of the Scottish lowlands where Michael Scot was born. Leland the antiquary tells us that he was informed on good authority that Scot came from the territory of Durham. Taken literally this statement would make him an Englishman, but no one would think of quoting it as of sufficient value to disprove the testimony of Bacon and Bonatti who both believed Michael to have been born in Scotland. If, however, there should offer itself any way in which both these apparently contending opinions can be reconciled, we are surely bound to accept such an explanation of the difficulty, and in fact the solution we are about to propose not only meets the conditions of the problem, but will be found to narrow very considerably the limits of country within which the birthplace of Scot is to be looked for.

As to the date of his birth, it is difficult to be very precise. The probability that he died suddenly, and before he had completed the measure of an ordinary lifetime, prevents us from founding our calculations upon the date of his decease, which can be pretty accurately determined. A more certain argument may be derived from the fact that Scot had finished his youthful studies, made some figure in the world, and entered on the great occupation of his life as an author, as early as the year 1210. Assuming then that thirty was the least age he could well have attained at the period in question, the year 1180 would be indicated as that of his birth, or rather as the latest date to which it can with probability be referred; 1175 being in every way a more likely approximation to the actual time of this event.

It is unfortunate that we find ourselves in the same position with regard to the interesting question of Scot's early education, having only the suggestions derived from probable conjecture to offer on this subject also. Du Boulay indeed, in his account of the University of Paris, pretends to supply a pretty complete account of the schools which Scot attended, but, as he adds that this was the usual course of study in those days, we find reason to think that he may have been guided in his assertions, rather by the probabilities of the case, than by any exact evidence. Nor is it likely that any more satisfactory assurance can now be had on this point: the time being too remote and the want of early material for Scot's biography defeating in this respect all the care and attention that can now be given to the subject.

We know, however, that there was a somewhat famous grammar-school at Roxburgh in the twelfth century, and considering the rarity of such an opportunity at so early a period, and the proximity of this place to the district in which Scot was born, we may venture to fancy that here he may have learned his rudiments, thus laying the foundation of those deeper studies, which he afterwards carried to such a height.

With regard to Durham, the matter may be considered to stand on firmer ground. The name of Michael Scot, as we have already seen, has for many ages been associated with this ancient Cathedral city by the Wear. If the question of his birthplace be regarded as now determined in favour of Scotland, no reason remains for this association so convincing as that which would derive it from the fact that he pursued his education there. The Cathedral School of Durham was a famous one, which no doubt exerted a strong attraction upon studious youths throughout the whole of that province. In Scot's case the advantages it offered may well have seemed a desirable step to further advances; his means, as one of a family already distinguished from the common people, allowing him to plan a complete course of study, and his ambition prompting him to follow it.

The common tradition asserts that when he left Durham, Scot proceeded to Oxford. This is not unlikely, considering the fame of that University, and the number of students drawn from all parts of the land who assembled there. The only matters, however, which offer themselves in support of this bare conjecture are not, it must be said, very convincing. Roger Bacon shows great familiarity with Scot, and Bacon was an Oxford scholar, though his studies at that University were not begun till long after the time when Scot could possibly have been a student there. It is quite possible, however, that the interest shown by Bacon in Scot's labours and high reputation--not by any means of a kindly sort--may have been awakened by traditions that were still current in the Schools of Oxford when the younger student came there. Near the end of his life, Scot visited in a public capacity the chief Universities of Europe, and brought them philosophic treasures that were highly thought of by the learned. It seems most probable, from the terms in which Bacon speaks of this journey, that it may have included a visit to Oxford. This might of course be matter of mere duty and policy, but one cannot help observing how well it agrees with the tradition that these schools were already familiar to Scot. As a recognised alumnus of Oxford, he would be highly acceptable there, being one whose European fame shed no small lustre upon the scene of his early studies.

SCOT AT THE COURT OF SICILY

The period thus determined was that of the King's boyhood, and this opens up another line of argument which may be trusted not only to confirm the results we have reached, but to afford a more exact view of Scot's occupation in Sicily. Several of his works are dedicated to Frederick, from which it is natural to conclude that his employment was one which brought him closely in contact with the person of the King. When we examine their contents we are struck by the tone which Scot permits himself to use in addressing his royal master. There is familiarity when we should expect flattery, and the desire to impart instruction instead of the wish to display obsequiousness. Scot appears in fact as one careless to recommend himself for a position at Court, certain rather of one which must have been already his own. What can this position have been?

It was at Palermo, then, that Michael Scot must have passed the opening years of the thirteenth century; now more than ever 'Master,' since he was engaged in a work which carried with it no light responsibility: the early education of a royal youth destined to play the first part on the European stage. The situation was one not without advantages of an uncommon kind for a scholar like Scot, eager to acquire knowledge in every department. Sicily was still, especially in its more remote and mountainous parts about Entella, Giato, and Platani, the refuge of a considerable Moorish population, whose language was therefore familiar in the island, and was heard even at Court; being, we are assured, one of those in which Frederick received instruction. There can be little doubt that Scot availed himself of this opportunity, and laid a good foundation for his later work on Arabic texts by acquiring, in the years of his residence at Palermo, at least the vernacular language of the Moors.

It was in spring, the loveliest season of the year in that climate, that the fleet of Spain, sent to bear the bride and her suite, rose slowly over the sea rim and dropped anchor in the Bay of Palermo. Constantia came with many in her company, the flower of Catalan and Proven?al chivalry, led by her brother, Count Alfonso. The Bishop of Mazara, too, was among them, bearing a commission to represent the Pope in these negotiations and festivities. And now the stately Moorish palace, with its courtyard, its fountains, and its gardens, became once more a scene of gaiety, as--in the great hall of forty pillars, beneath a roof such as Arabian artists alone could frame, carved like a snow cave, or stained with rich and lovely colour like a mass of jewels set in gold--the officers of the royal household passed solemnly on to offer homage before their Prince and his bride. In the six great apartments of state the frescoed forms of Christian art: Patriarchs in their histories, Moses and David in their exploits, and the last wild charge of Barbarossa's Crusade, looked down upon a moving throng of nobles and commons who came to present their congratulations, while the plaintive music of lute, of pipe, and tabor, sighed upon the air, and skilful dancers swam before the delighted guests in all the fascination of the voluptuous East.

SCOT AT TOLEDO

In following the course which Michael Scot held in his voyage to Spain, we approach what was beyond all doubt the most important epoch in the life of that scholar. Hitherto we have seen him as the student preparing at Paris or Bologna for a brilliant future, or as the tutor of a youthful monarch, essaying some literary ventures, which justified the position he held in Sicily, and recommended him for future employment. But the moment was now come which put him at last in possession of an opportunity suitable to his training and talents. We are to see how he won in Spain his greatest reputation in connection with the most important literary enterprise of the age, and one which is indeed not the least remarkable of all time.

The part which the Arabs took in the intellectual awakening of Europe is a familiar theme of early mediaeval history. That wonderful people, drawn from what was then an unknown land of the East, and acted on by the mighty sense of religion and nationality which Mohammed was able to communicate, fell like a flood upon the weak remains of older civilisations, and made huge inroads upon the Christian Empire of the East. Having reached this point in their career of conquest they became in their turn the conquered, not under force of arms indeed, but as subdued by the still vital intellectual power possessed by those whom they had in a material sense overcome. In their new seat by the streams of the Euphrates they learned from their Syrian subjects, now become their teachers, the treasures of Greek philosophy which had been translated into the Aramaic tongue. Led captive as by a spell, the Caliphs of the Abassid line, especially Al Mansour, Al Rachid, and Al Mamoun, encouraged with civil honours and rewards the labours of these learned men. Happy indeed was the Syrian who brought to life another relic of the mighty dead, or who gave to such works a new immortality by rendering them into the Arabic language.

Meanwhile the progress of the Ommiad arms, compelled to seek new conquests by the defeat they had sustained in the East from the victorious Abbassides, was carrying the Moors west and ever westward along the northern provinces of Africa. Egypt and Tripoli and Tunis successively fell before their victorious march; Algiers and Morocco shared the same fate, and at last, crossing the Straits of Gibraltar, the Moors overran Spain, making a new Arabia of that western peninsula, which in position and physical features bore so great a likeness to the ancient cradle of their race.

It is true indeed that long ere the period of which we write the Moorish power in the West had received a severe check, and had, for at least a century, entered on its period of decay. The battle of Tours, fought in 732, had driven the infidels from France. The Christian kingdoms of Spain itself had rallied their courage and their forces, and, in a scene of chivalry, which inspired many a tale and song, had freed at least the northern provinces of that country from the alien power. But weapons of war, as we have already seen in the case of the Arabs themselves, are not the only means of conquest. The surest title of the Moors to glory lies in the prevailing intellectual influence they were able to exert over that Christendom which, in a political sense, they had failed to subdue and dispossess. The scene we have just witnessed in the East was now repeated in Spain, but was repeated in an exactly opposite sense. The mental impulse received from the remains of Greek literature at Bagdad now became in its turn the motive power which not only sufficed to carry these forgotten treasures westward in the course of Moorish conquest, but succeeded, through that nation, in rousing the Latin races to a sense of their excellence, and a generous ambition to become possessed of all the culture and discipline they were capable of yielding.

The chief centre of this influence, as it was the chief scene of contact between the two races, naturally lay in Spain. During the ages of Moorish dominion the Christians of this country had lived in peace and prosperity under the generous protection of their foreign rulers. To a considerable extent indeed the Moors and Spaniards amalgamated by intermarriage. The language of the conquerors was familiarly employed by their Spanish subjects, and these frequented in numbers the famous schools of science and literature established by the Moors at Cordova, and in other cities of the kingdom. Proof of all this remains in the public acts of the Castiles, which continued to be written in Arabic as late as the fourteenth century, and were signed by Christian prelates in the same characters; in the present language of Spain which retains so many words of eastern origin; but, above all, in the profound influence, now chiefly engaging our attention, which has left its mark upon almost every branch of our modern science, literature, and art.

It is probable that when Michael Scot left Sicily he did so with the purpose of joining this important enterprise. His movements naturally suggest such an idea, as he proceeded to Toledo, still the centre of these studies, and won, during the years of his residence there, the name by which he is best known in the world of letters, that of the chief exponent of the Arabo-Aristotelic philosophy in the West.

The name and fame of Aristotle, never quite forgotten even in the darkest age, and now known and extolled among Moorish scholars, formed indeed the ground of that immense reputation which Arabian philosophy enjoyed in Europe. The Latin schools had long been familiar with the logical writings of Aristotle, but the modern spirit, soon to show itself as it were precociously in Bacon and Albertus Magnus, was already awake, and under its influence men had begun to demand more than the mere training of the mind in abstract reasoning. Even the application of dialectics to evolve or support systems of doctrine drawn from Holy Scripture could not content this new curiosity. Men were becoming alive to the larger book of nature which lay open around them, and, confounded at first by the complexity of unnumbered facts in sea and sky, in earth and air, they began to long for help from the great master of philosophy which might guide their first trembling footsteps in so strange and untrodden a realm of knowledge. Nor was the hope of such aid denied them. There was still a tradition concerning the lost works of Aristotle on physics. The Moors, it was found, boasted their possession, and even claimed to have enriched these priceless pages by comments which were still more precious than the original text itself.

The mere hope that it might be so was enough to beget a new crusade, when western scholars vied with each other in their efforts to recover these lost treasures and restore to the schools of Europe the impulse and guidance so eagerly desired. Such had, in fact, been the aim of Archbishop Raymon and the successive translators of the Toledan school. The important place they assigned to Avicenna among those whose works they rendered into Latin was due to the fact that this author had come to be regarded in the early part of the twelfth century as the chief exponent of Aristotle, whose spirit he had inherited, and on whose works he had founded his own.

The originality of the Vatican text perhaps appears also in the curious triplet with which it closes: 'Liber iste inceptus est et expletus cum adiutorio Jesu Christi qui vivit, etc.

Frenata penna, finito nunc Avicenna Libro Caesario, gloria summa Deo Dextera scriptoris careat gravitate doloris.'

latinum arabicum sclauonicum teutonicum arabicum Felix el melic dober Friderich salemelich.

In any case, however, his chief merit in this department of study belonged to Michael Scot as the exponent of the Arabian naturalists. It is difficult for any one who has not read the books in question to form an adequate idea of their contents, and still more of their style; even from the most careful description. We are made to feel that the task of the translator must have been a very difficult one. There is a concentration combined with great wealth of detail, and withal a constant nimble transition from one subject to another, seemingly remote, under the suggestion of some subtle connection, which result in a style almost baffling to one who sought to reproduce it in his comparatively slow and clumsy Latin.

'Birds,' says Avicenna, 'have a way of life that is peculiar to themselves. Those that are long-necked drink by the mouth, then lift their head till the water runs down their neck. The reason of this is that their neck is long and narrow, so that they cannot satisfy their thirst by putting beak in water and straightway drinking. There is, however, a great difference between different birds in their way of drinking, and the mountain hog loveth roots to which his tusk helpeth, wherewith he turneth up the ground and breaketh out the roots. Six days or thereabout are proper for his fattening, wherein he drinketh not for three, and there are some who feed their hogs and yet will not water them for perchance seven days on end. And in their fattening all animals are helped by moderate and gentle exercise, save the hog, who fatteneth lying in the mud, and that mightily, for thereby his pores are shut upon him so that he loseth nothing by evaporation. And the hog will fight with the wolf, and that is his nature, and cows fatten on every windy thing, such as vetches, beans, and barley, and if their horns be anointed with soft wax, straightway, even while still upon the living animal, they become soft, and if the horns of ox or cow be anointed with marrow, oil, or pitch, this easeth them of the pain in their feet after a journey.'

In another place he continues: 'Some animals have teeth which serve them not save for fighting, and not for the mastication of their food. Such are the hog and the elephant, for the elephant's tusks are of use to him in this matter as we have said. And there are animals which make no use of their teeth save for eating or fighting, nay, I believe that every animal having teeth will fight with them upon occasion, and some there are whose teeth are sharp and stand well apart, so that they are therewith furnished to tear prey: such is the lion. And those animals that have need to crop their food, as grass and the like, from the ground, have level and regular teeth, and not long tusks or canines, which would hinder them from cropping; and since in some kinds the males are more apt to anger than the females, tusks have been given them that they may defend the females, because these are weaker in themselves and of a worse complexion, and this is true in a general way of all animals, even in those kinds that eat no flesh, and need not their tusks for eating, but only for defence, such as boars, and this is the reason why they have the strength of which we have just spoken. It is the same with the camel, and so we pass to speak of this general truth as it appears with regard to all other means of defence. Hence hath the stag his horn and not the hind; the ram and not the ewe; the he-goat and not his female, and fish which eat not flesh have no need of teeth that are sharp.'

Such as it now stands, the Cathedral of Toledo had not yet begun to rise above ground when Michael Scot had his residence there, but enough of the ancient city remains to show what Toledo must have been like in these early days. The splendid and commanding site, swept about by the waves of the Tagus; the famous bridge of Alcantara; the steep slope of approach crowned by ancient fortifications; and above all the massed and massive houses of the old town, so closely crowded together as hardly to give room for streets that should rather be called lanes; all this, beneath the unchanging sky of the south, recalls sufficiently what must have been the surroundings of Scot's life during ten laborious years. Even yet, where white-wash peels and stucco fails, strange records of that forgotten past reveal themselves in the walls and on the house fronts: sculptured stones of every age; bas-reliefs, arabesques; windows in the delicate Moorish manner of twin arches, and a central shaft with carved cornices, long built up and forgotten till accident has revealed them.

THE ALCHEMICAL STUDIES OF SCOT

In this, as in almost all his other studies, Michael Scot sat at the feet of Eastern masters. But the Arabians themselves had derived their chemical science, at least in its first principles and primitive processes, from still older peoples. If we are to understand the progress of human thought in this science we must trace it from the beginning, following again that beaten track of tradition by which not physiognomy and alchemy alone, but almost all the secrets of early times, have reached the modern world.

Primitive chemistry was closely connected with the still older art of metallurgy, out of which it arose by a natural process of development. Those who worked with ores soon discovered the secret of alloys, whereby a considerable quantity of baser metal, such as copper, lead or tin, could be added to gold or silver, so as greatly to increase the bulk of the whole without injuring either its appearance or usefulness. The problem of the crown set before Archimedes, and happily solved by that philosopher in the bath, shows how dexterously alloys were used by the Greeks, and what subtle means were necessary for their detection.

When, during the early centuries of the Christian era, the traditions of Greece found a new home in lower Egypt, and especially in Alexandria, they were profoundly influenced by the still more ancient philosophy of the East. We have already remarked this in the case of another science, that of physiognomy, but the same influence may also be traced in the modification it brought to the notions of primitive chemistry. The Chaldaeans and Persians had long believed that the heavens influenced the earth, and were capable of producing strange effects in the lower spheres of being. Their wise men considered that an individual connection could be established between the stars and the elements, the planets and the metals. It was in contact with this new doctrine and under its influence that there arose the hope, soon hardening into a settled belief, that the rules of art might be sufficient to effect an actual transmutation of the baser into the nobler metals, of copper into gold, and of tin or lead into silver.

This opinion must have been immensely heightened, and its authority reinforced, by the secrecy with which the receipts for alloying metals were guarded. These were handed down orally from father to son; were not committed to writing till a comparatively late period, and even then remained for the most part the cherished treasures of temple guilds. On the well-known principle of the proverb, 'Omne ignotum pro magnifico' this secrecy tended to confirm the impression that, however much had been communicated, more remained untold, to await discovery by the patient and undaunted chemist. The Therapeutae or Essenes were among the earliest representatives of this new tendency, as appears from the testimony of Josephus, who describes them as not only devoted to ancient writings, but eager to investigate the properties of minerals. The chief object of their inquiries, the maintenance of health by medicines thus derived from the vegetable and mineral kingdoms, is not only an early instance of the connection between chemistry and pharmacy, but is remarkable as the probable starting-point of the search for the elixir of life: that other and nobler dream which so much of the enthusiastic energy of the mediaeval alchemists was spent to realise.

The point of connection between these speculations of Eastern philosophy and the practice of the primitive chemistry may with probability be sought in the fire which of necessity played so large a part in the operations of the metal-worker. Fire bore a highly sacred character in the philosophy and religion of the East. This element, it soon came to be thought by those whom Eastern speculation influenced, might be trusted not only to melt, to calcine and to sublime in the vulgar way, but to form the long-sought link of sympathy between the stars of heaven, themselves compact of fire, and the elements of earth, as these were subjected to its piercing and transforming power. In its due employment the suspected connection between the higher and lower worlds would become an accomplished fact. Thus, under the power of the planets, in some favourable hour and fortunate conjunction, the mighty work would be done: the philosopher's stone discovered, the metals transmuted, and the elixir of life produced.

While the primitive chemical practice followed the progress of the arts which it served, the new theory of alchemy, with the ever-growing tradition of fantastic experiments arising out of it, found different and less direct channels in its descent from ancient to modern times. It has been customary to speak of the Arabs as if that nation had been the chief means of transmitting the knowledge of Greek doctrine to our mediaeval scholars, but we now know that there was a previous link in the chain of intellectual succession. This was supplied by the care and industry of the Syrian subjects of the early Caliphs, nor did their learned men play a less important part in the history of chemistry than in that of the other sciences. Sergius of Resaina, a scholar of the fifth century, was, it is said, the first Syrian who attempted to translate the Greek chemists, several of whom mention him by name. The chief development of this work belongs, however, to the ninth and tenth centuries, and its glory must ever remain with the great school of Bagdad. Chemical treatises composed by Democritus and Zosimus were there and then rendered into Syriac, as may be seen by the manuscripts still preserved in the British Museum and at Cambridge.

In the eleventh century appeared a curious phenomenon, in the shape of a dispute among the Arabians of that day regarding the truth of the tradition which pronounced the transmutation of metals possible. The unwearied but still unavailing experiments which had now been carried on through several ages, produced at last their inevitable effect in the shape of philosophic doubt, eagerly urged on the one part and as eagerly repelled on the other. The chemical school was now divided according to these opposite opinions, and each party in their writings sought to give weight to what they taught by borrowing in support of their arguments the names of the mighty dead. In this conflict it was left to the followers of Rases to sustain the affirmative and to assert the possibility of transmutation. These were the apologists for the past, and the advocates, in the name of their great master, of that hope which had inspired previous research and borne fruit in so many important discoveries.

This view of the later Arabian schools and their differences is forced upon us by the fact, that works are extant under the names of Rases, Al Kindi, and Avicenna, which evidently belong to the eleventh century, the period when they first appeared, and could not therefore have been written by authors who lived at an earlier date. They are plainly the production of later chemists who followed more or less intelligently the doctrine of these great masters in alchemy. The artifice involved in this ascription of authorship is one which has always been common in Eastern literature.

We are now in a position to understand, not only the nature and progress of the work in which Michael Scot took part, but the exact development which alchemy had reached in his day, and therefore the relation which his chemical publications bore to the general direction of study in this department of science. The time and care which our survey of the field has demanded need not be thought ill spent. It has prepared the way for a more intelligent appreciation of Scot's labours as a chemist, and has furnished us with the means of coming to a true judgment regarding their authenticity and value.

THE ASTRONOMICAL WRITINGS OF SCOT

The alchemy of the thirteenth century, to the progress of which Michael Scot contributed not a little, bore a close relation to the opinions then entertained in another branch of science: that of astronomy. We have already noticed how chemistry, as practised in Egypt, was largely influenced by Eastern theories regarding the stars and their power over earthly elements. That this connection and sympathy was still a matter of common belief at the time Scot wrote is not only probable but can readily be established by direct evidence. The treatise 'Cum studii solertis indagine,' already referred to, has a curious passage which bears directly on the point in question. We find in the preface the following remarkable statement: 'For the art of alchemy belongs to the deeper and more hidden physics, and in particular to that division thereof which ... is called the lower astronomy,' It is plain then that no chemist could in those days be considered fully competent for the task he undertook unless to a knowledge of the customary theories and processes of his art he added some acquaintance with the mysteries of the heavenly spheres as well.

In Spain he not only kept up his interest in this subject but lost no opportunity of improving his past acquirements. He was constantly on the watch for new astronomical works. He read them, not only as a student eager to extend his knowledge, but as a translator anxious to find the opportunity of adding to the resources of other scholars by the production of some important book in a Latin dress.

It was in such a direction indeed that the line of true progress lay. As alchemy rose into a real chemistry rather by the practice of the laboratory than by the theory of the schools, so it was with regard to astronomy. The scheme of Ptolemy with its various modifications necessarily held the field, imperfect and erroneous as it was, till wider and more exact observations, such as those for which the wise king of Castile thus provided had, in the course of after ages, furnished adequate ground for the magical and illuminative speculations of Copernicus, Galileo, and Newton.

Share on: WhatsApp @Hash Facebook Tweet