Read Ebook: Baron d'Holbach : a Study of Eighteenth Century Radicalism in France by Cushing Max Pearson
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J'ai l'honneur de vous envoyer ci-joint la liste des ouvrages dont M. Li?ge fils pourrait entreprendre la traduction. Je n'en connais actuellement point d'autres qui m?ritent l'attention du public. M. Macquer m'a ?crit une lettre qui a pour objet les m?mes choses dont vous m'avez fait l'honneur de me parler, et je lui fais la m?me r?ponse.
J'ai l'honneur d'?tre avec respect, Monsieur,
Votre tr?s ob?issant serviteur D'HOLBACH ? Paris ce 6 d'avril 1761
The list of books was as follows:
After 1760 Holbach became interested in another line of intellectual activity, namely the writing and translation of anti-religious literature. His first book of this sort really appeared in 1761 although no copies bear this date. From 1767 on however he published a great many works of this character. It is convenient to deal first with his translations of English deistical writers. They are in chronological order.
After outlining the history of Judaism the book ends thus:
Ose, donc enfin, ? Europe! secouer le joug insupportable des pr?jug?s qui t'affligent. Laisse ? des H?breux stupides, ? des fr?n?tiques imb?ciles, ? des Asiatiques l?ches et d?grad?s, ces superstitions aussi avilissantes qu'insens?es: elles ne sont point faites pour les habitans de ton climat. Occupe-toi du soin de perfectionner tes gouvernemens, de corriger tes lois, de r?former tes abus, de r?gler tes moeurs, et ferme pour toujours les yeux ? ces vraies chim?res, qui depuis tant de si?cles n'ont servi qu'? retarder tes progr?s vers la science v?ritable et ? t'?carter de la route du bonheur.
Annet said of Paul's type of man "l'enthousiaste s'enivre, pour l'ainsi dire, de son propre vin, il se persuade que la cause de ses passions est la cause de Dieu , mais quelque violent qu'ait pu ?tre l'enthousiasme de S. Paul, il sentait tr?s bien que la doctrine qu'il pr?chait devait para?tre bizarre et insens?e ? des ?tres raisonnables" .
Before turning to Holbach's original works mention should be made of a very interesting and extraordinary book that he brought to light, retouched, and later used as a kind of shield against the attacks of the parliaments upon his own works.
"Il est enti?rement oppos? ? mes principes. Ce livre conduit ? l'ath?isme que je d?teste. J'ai toujours regard? l'ath?isme comme le plus grand ?garement de la raison, parce qu'il est aussi ridicule de dire que l'arrangement du monde ne prouve pas un artisan supr?me qu'il serait impertinent de dire qu'une horloge ne prouve pas un horloger.
Ce livre est ?crit avec plus de v?h?mence que de v?ritable ?loquence; il entraine. Son style est ch?ti? et correct, quoique un peu dur et sec; son ton est grave et soutenu. On n'y apprend rien de nouveau, et cependant il attache et int?resse. Malgr? son incroyable t?m?rit?, on ne peut refuser ? l'auteur la qualit? d'homme de bien fortement ?pris du bonheur de sa race et de la prosp?rit? des soci?t?s; mais je pense que ses bonnes intentions seraient une sauvegarde bien faible contre les mandements et les r?quisitions." This is a clear and fair account of a book that is without doubt the severest criticism of the theory and practice of historical Christianity ever put in print.
In a letter to Damilaville, October 16, he writes :
And on February 8, 1768, he wrote:
Holbach in his anti-militaristic enthusiasm had used the words "bourreaux mercenaires"; "epith?te ?l?gante," continues Frederick, "dont il honore les guerriers. Mais souffrions nous qu'un cerveau br?l? insulte au plus noble emploi de la Societ??" . He goes on to defend war in good old-fashioned terms. "Vous d?clamez contre la guerre, elle est funeste en elle-m?me; mais c'est un mal comme ces autres fl?aux du ciel qu'il faut supposer n?cessaires dans l'arrangement de cet univers parce qu'ils arrivent p?riodiquement et qu'aucun si?cle n'a pu jusqu'? pr?sent d'en avoir ?t? exempt. J'ai prouv? que de tout temps l'erreur a domin? dans ce monde; et comme une chose aussi constante peut ?tre envisag?e comme une loi g?n?ral de la nature, j'en conclus que ce qui a ?t? toujours sera toujours le m?me" .
Frederick sent his little refutation to Voltaire for his compliments which were forthcoming. A few days after Voltaire wrote to d'Alembert:
D'Alembert answered:
In a preface of forty-seven pages the fears of the conservative old Abb? are well expressed. The aim of these modern philosophers who are poisoning public opinion by their writings is to "d?molir avec l'antique ?difice de la religion chr?tienne, celui des moeurs, de la vertu, de la saine politique etc. rompre tous les canaux de communication entre la terre et le ciel, bannir, exterminer du monde le Dieu qui le tira du n?ant, y introduire l'impi?t? la plus compl?te, la licence la plus consomn?e, l'anarchie la plus enti?re, la confusion la plus horrible."
N'est-ce pas ce fatal abus de la libert? de penser, qui a enfant? cette multitude de sectes, d'opinions, de partis, et cet esprit d'ind?pendance dont d'autres nations ont ?prouv? les sinstres r?volutions. Le m?me abus produira en France des effets peut-?tre plus funestes. La libert? ind?finie trouveroit, dans la caract?re de la nation, dans son activit?, dans son amour pour la nouveaut?, un moyen de plus pour pr?parer les plus affreuses r?volutions .
Such was Holbach. His philosophy is based on the child-like assumption that things are as they seem, provided they are observed with sufficient care by a sufficient number of people. This brings us at once to the very heart of Holbach's method which was experimental and inductive to the last degree. Holbach was nourished on what might be called scientific rather than philosophical traditions. As M. Tourneux has pointed out, he had been a serious student of the natural sciences, especially those connected with the constitution of the earth. These studies led him to see the disparity between certain accepted and traditional cosmologies and a scientific interpretation of the terrestrial globe and the forms of life which flourish upon it. Finding the supposed sacred and infallible records untrustworthy in one regard, he began to question their veracity at other points. Being of a critical frame of mind, he took the records rather more literally than a sympathetic, allegorical apologist would have done, although it cannot be said that he used much historical insight. After having studied the sacred texts for purposes of writing or having translated other men's studies on Moses, David, the Prophets, Jesus, Paul, the Christian theologians and saints, miracles, etc., he concluded that these accounts were untrustworthy and mendacious. He knew ancient and modern philosophy and found in the greater part of it an unwarranted romantic or theological trend which his scientific training had caused him to suspect. It must be admitted that however false or illogical Holbach's conclusions may be considered, he was by no means ignorant of the subjects he chose to treat, as some of his detractors would have one believe. His theory of knowledge was that of Locke and Condillac, and on this foundation he built up his system of scientific naturalism and dogmatic atheism.
From matter in motion are derived all the phenomena that strike our senses. All is matter or a function of it. Matter, then, is not an effect, but a cause. It is not caused; it is from eternity and of necessity. The cardinal point in Holbach's philosophy is an inexorable materialistic necessity. Nothing, then, is exempt from the laws of physics and chemistry. Inorganic substance and organic life fall into the same category. Man himself with all his differentiated faculties is but a function of matter and motion in extraordinary complex and involved relations. Man's imputation to himself of free will and unending consciousness apart from his machine is an idle tale built on his desires, not on his experiences nor his knowledge of nature. This imputation of a will or soul to nature, independent of it or in any sense above it, is a still more idle one derived from his renunciation of the witness of his senses and his following after the phantoms of his imagination. It is ignorance or disregard of nature then that has given rise to supernatural ideas that have "no correspondence with true sight," or, as Holbach expressed it, have no counterpart in the external object. In other words, theology, or poetry about God, as Petrarch said, is ignorance of natural causes reduced to a system.
The application of these principles to the given situation in France in 1770 would obviously have produced unwelcome results. Holbach's theory was that religion was worse than useless in that it had inculcated false and pernicious ideas in politics and morals. He would do away completely with it in the interest of putting these sciences on a natural basis. This basis is self-interest, or man's inevitable inclination toward survival and the highest degree of well-being, "L'objet de la morale est de faire conna?tre aux hommes que leur plus grand int?r?t exige qu'ils pratiquent la vertu; le but du gouvernement doit ?tre de la leur faire pratiquer."
Government then assumes the functions of moral restraint formally delegated to religion; and punishments render virtue attractive and vice repugnant. Holbach's theory of social organization is practically that of Aristotle. Men combine in order to increase the store of individual well-being, to live the good life. If those to whom society has delegated sovereignty abuse their power, society has the right to take it from them. Sovereignty is merely an agent for the diffusion of truth and the maintenance of virtue, which are the prerequisites of social and individual well-being. The technique of progress is enlightenment and good laws.
Nothing could be clearer or simpler than Holbach's system. As Diderot so truly said, he will not be quoted on both sides of any question. His uncompromising atheism is the very heart and core of his system and clarifies the whole situation. All supernatural ideas are to be abandoned. Experience and reason are once for all made supreme, and henceforth refuse to share their throne or abdicate in favor of faith. Holbach's aim was as he said to bring man back to nature and render reason dear to him. "Il est tempts que cette raison injustement d?grad?e quitte un ton pusillamine qui la rendront complice du mensonge et du d?lire."
If reason is to rule, the usurper, religion, must be ejected; hence atheism was fundamental to his entire system. He did not suppose by any means that it would become a popular faith, because it presupposed too much learning and reflection, but it seemed to him the necessary weapon of a reforming party at that time. He defines an atheist as follows: "C'est un homme, qui d?truit des chim?res nuisibles au genre humain, pour ramener les hommes ? la nature, ? l'exp?rience, ? la raison. C'est un penseur qui, ayant m?dit? la mati?re, ses propri?t?s et ses fa?ons d'agir, n'a pas besoin, pour expliquer les ph?nom?nes de l'univers et les op?rations de la nature, d'imaginer des puissances id?ales, des intelligences imaginaires, des ?tres de raison; qui loin de faire mieux conna?tre cette nature, ne font que la rendre capricieuse, inexplicable, et m?connaissable, inutile au bonheur des hommes."
HOLBACH'S CORRESPONDENCE
The following letters of Holbach are extant:
Holbach to Hume, Aug. 23, 1763. Holbach to Hume, Mar. 16, 1766. Holbach to Hume, July 7, 1766. Holbach to Hume, Aug. 18, 1766. Holbach to Hume, Sept. 7, 1766.
Holbach to Garrick, June 16, 1765. Holbach to Garrick, Feb. 9, 1766.
Holbach to Wilkes, Aug., 1746, 9 . Holbach to Wilkes, Dec. 10, 1746 . Holbach to Wilkes, May 22, 1766 Holbach to Wilkes, Nov. 9, 1766 . Holbach to Wilkes, Dec. 10, 1767 . Holbach to Wilkes, July 17, 1768 . Holbach to Wilkes, Mar. 19, 1770 . Holbach to Wilkes, April 27, 1775, 9 .
The first seven of these letters are published for the first time in the present volume, pp. 6-11 and pp. 75-80.
Holbach to Galiani, Aug. 11, 1769 .
Galiani to Holbach, April 7, 1770 .
Galiani to Holbach, July 21, 1770 .
Holbach to Galiani, Aug. 25, 1770 .
Holbach to Malesherbes, April 6, 1761 . See present volume, p. 30.
HOLBACH TO HUME PARIS, the 23rd. of August, 1763
I have received with the deepest sense of gratitude your very kind and obliging letter of the 8th. inst: favors of great men ought to give pride to those that have at least the merit of setting the value that is due upon them. This is my case with you, sir; the reading of your valuable works has not only inspired me with the strongest admiration for your genius and amiable parts, but gave me the highest idea of your person and the strongest desire of getting acquainted with one of the greatest philosophers of my age, and of the best friend to mankind. These sentiments have emboldened me to send formally, though unknown to you, the work you are mentioning to me. I thought you were the best to judge of such a performance, and I took only the liberty of giving a hint of my desires, in case it should meet with your approbation, nor was I surprized, or presumed to be displeased, at seeing my wishes disappointed. The reasons appeared very obvious to me; not withstanding the British liberty, I conceived there were limits even to it. However, my late friend's book has appeared since and there is even an edition of it lately done in England: I believe it will be relished by the friends of truth, who like to see vulgar errors struck at the root. This has been your continued task, sir; and you deserve for it the praises of all sincere wellwishers of humanity: give me leave to rank myself among them, and express to you, by this opportunity you have been so kind as to give me, the fervent desire we have to see you in this country. Messrs. Stuart, Dempster, Fordyce, who are so good as to favor me with their company, have given me some hopes of seeing you in this metropolis, where you have so many admirers as readers, and as many sincere friends as there are disciples of philosophy. I don't doubt but my good friend M. Helv?tius will join in our wishes, and prevail upon you to come over. I assure you, sir, you won't perceive much the change of the country, for all countries are alike for people that have the same minds.
I am, with the greatest veneration and esteem, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. D'HOLBACH. Rue Royale, butte St. Roch, ? Paris.
HOLBACH To GARRICK PARIS, Feb ye 9th, 1766.
Mr Wilkes is still in this town, where he intends to stay until you give him leave to return to his native country. We have had the pleasure of seeing Mr Chanquion, your friend, who seems to be a very discerning gentleman and to whom in favor of your friendship I have shown all the politeness I could. I hear that Sr James Macdonald has been ill at Parma, but is now recovered and in Rome. Abb? Galliani is still at Naples and stands a fair chance of being employ'd in the ministry there.
Adieu, very dear Sir and remember your affectionate friend D'HOLBACH
HOLBACH TO WILKES PARIS the 22d Of May
I am extremely glad to know your lucky passage and happy arrival in your native country. I hope you know too well the sincere dispositions of my heart as to doubt of the friendship I have vowed to you for life; it has been of too long a duration to be shaken by any circumstances, and especially by those that do honor to you. I shall be very happy if your affairs permit you to drop over very soon to spend some time in this place along with Miss Wilkes to whom Made D'Holbach and I pay our best compliments. I can easily paint to my imagination the pleasure you both felt at your first meeting; everybody that has any sensibility must be acquainted with the grateful pangs in those moving circumstances.
Your case with the hawker at your entry in London is very odd and whimsical you did extremely well to humour the man in his opinion about Mr. Wilkes. I dare say if you had done otherwise his fist would have convinc'd you of the goodness of your cause, and then it would have been impossible for you to pass for a dead man any longer; which however, I think was very necessary for you in the beginning. I expect with great eagerness the settlement of your affairs with the ministry to your own satisfaction; be persuaded, Dear Sir, that nobody interests himself in your happiness than myself, and nothing will conduce more to it than your steady attachment to the principles of honor and patriotism.
If you don't find a way of disposing of the little packet, you need not take much trouble about it, and you may bring it back along with you, when you come to this place, as to the kind offers you are so good as to make me about commissions, experience has taught me that it is unsafe to trust you with them, so I beg leave with gratitude to decline your proposals as that point.
All our common friends and acquaintances desire their best compliments to you, and believe me, my dear Sir.
Your affectionate oblig'd humble servant D'HOLBACH
HOLBACH TO WILKES PARIS 9ber 10th 1766
I receiv'd with the greatest pleasure the news of your lucky arrival in Engelland. You know the sentiments of my heart, and are undoubtedly convinc'd how much I wish for the good success of all your enterprises tho I am to be a great looser by it. I rejoice very heartily at the fine prospect you have now in view and don't doubt but the persons you mention will succeed if they are in good earnest: which is allways a little doubtful in people of that Kidney.
We have had the pleasure of seeing Miss Wilkes three or four times since your departure, she is extreamly well and longs for the return of her friend Mlle Helvetius the 20th of this month.
Rousseau will very likely hate the English very cordially for making him pay so dear for his books, it is however a sign that he told us a lye when he pretended in his writings to have no books at all, as to his guitar he should buy a new one to tune his heart a little better than he did before.
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