Read Ebook: How the Nations Waged War A companion volume to How the War Began by Kennedy J M John McFarland

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"With open heart, with outstretched, brotherly hand, Great Russia approaches you. She believes that the sword which overthrew the enemy at Gruenwald has not rusted.

"From the shores of the Pacific to the northern seas the Russian war forces are moving forward.

"The dawn of a new life is opening upon you. May the Sign of the Cross shine forth from this dawning symbol of sufferings and resurrection of nations."

The Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaievitch, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Forces, also issued an order making it known to the active army and the whole population of the Empire that Russia was waging war in consequence of the challenge thrown down by the common enemy of all Slavs.

The order proceeds:

"The Poles in Russia and those of Germany and Austria who show their loyalty to the Slav cause will have the special protection of the Russian Army and Government in so far as their personal and material security is concerned.

"Any attempt to interfere with the personal rights of Poles who have not been guilty of acts hostile to Russia will be punished with all the severity of martial law."

Prince Troubetzkoi's words to me were as follows:

"In my opinion, Poland must receive a form of self-government, the exact nature of which, however, in view of the peculiar conditions which exist through the close proximity of Austrian and Prussian Poland, can only be the subject of careful consideration. The question has been discussed from two different points of view by the members of the Zemstow Congress; they are unanimous, however, with regard to one point, which is that no rupture or break in the unity of the Russian Empire shall take place."

During a stay in Warsaw a few days previously I found, much to my surprise, that the antagonism of the educated Poles towards the Russian r?gime was much less marked than towards Prussia and even towards Austria, where, as everybody knows, the Galician Poles are more liberally treated than either in Russia or Prussia. I also found unanimity among the same class of people with regard to the view that for economical reasons alone Poland could not afford to be cut off from the Russian Empire, in which the Poles find the best market for their industry, which has made great strides in the course of the present generation. Another consideration in favour of Poland retaining its connection with Russia is that the Russian Empire opens up a wide field for good careers to the more intelligent of the Poles in nearly every sphere of life.

These features seem to speak in favour of the ultimate realization of the Tsar's project in face of victory in the present war.

This rescript regarding Poland, of course, was different from the Tsar's Imperial manifesto to the Russian people, which met with such an enthusiastic response. This manifesto was issued on Sunday, August 2nd, to justify Russia's armed opposition to Germany, and it said:

Amid friendly relations with Germany and her ally Austria, contrary to our hopes in our good neighbourly relations of long date and disregarding our assurances that the measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, Germany began to demand their immediate cessation. Having been rebuffed in this demand, she suddenly declared war on Russia. To-day it is not only the protection of the country related to us and unjustly attacked that must be carried out, but we must also safeguard the honour, dignity, and integrity of Russia and her position among the Great Powers.

While these diplomatic steps were being taken in the West, our Allies in the Far East were not idle. Before, however, reference is made to the action taken by Japan at an early stage in the war, a brief account may be given of Germany's varied interests and scattered possessions in the Far East.

Early in November, 1897, two missionaries from the Fatherland were waylaid and killed by professional robbers in a remote part of the Province of Shantung. It was a regrettable incident, for which China, in the ordinary way, would have made any amends in her power, but it offered Germany an opportunity she had long desired of acquiring a naval base on easy terms on the Yellow Sea.

A few days after the murder of the missionaries, the Kaiser's Pacific Squadron anchored in Kiao-Chau, an ultimatum being sent to the Chinese general to leave with his troops within three hours. He did so under protest; the German flag was hoisted, and after negotiations with Pekin the matter was settled in March, 1898, by the leasing of the bay and adjacent territory to the Emperor for ninety-nine years, a period which everyone at the time concluded would be indefinitely extended. It was this lease, obtained in so flagrant a way, which Japan was so soon to tear up.

Facing the Yellow Sea, about 350 miles in a direct line south-east of Pekin, and almost opposite the southern extremity of Korea, the bay of Kiao-Chau is less than two miles wide at its entrance. Within it extends over an area of something like 150 square miles of deep water, affording at all times a safe anchorage for ships of any size. The German naval base of Tsing-Tau stands on the north-east shore, at the outlet of the bay, which is entirely surrounded by hills from 400ft. to 600ft. high, most of them offering admirable sites for fortifications.

If the defensive works, planned when the place was seized, have been carried out and fully armed, the harbour must present formidable obstacles to a sea attack, while the land approaches are guarded by a series of fortifications across the head of the peninsula. The garrison consists of 5,000 German marines and a small force of Chinese soldiers, the remainder of the white population being very inconsiderable.

Described as the key to Northern China, Kiao-Chau, besides its value as a harbour of refuge for warships, is of considerable commercial importance. The district inland under German authority abounds in mineral and metalliferous wealth, an abundant supply of good coal being not the least of its riches. The local native industries are chiefly connected with fruits and vegetables, silk culture, brewing, and soap-making. Two years ago the imports amounted in value to ?5,746,900 and the exports to ?4,014,750. In the winter months the harbour is the natural outlet for the trade of Northern China, a railway 272 miles long, from Tsing-Tau to Poshan, having much increased its value in this direction.

Besides Tsing-Tau, Germany owns many scattered possessions in the Pacific, all of which it may be thought desirable to take charge of, if not by reason of their actual worth, yet to prevent their use as wireless stations or hiding-places for commerce-destroying cruisers.

One of the most important Teutonic properties in the Southern Pacific stretches along the northern coast of eastern New Guinea. When it was taken over by the Berlin Government in 1884, it received the name of Kaiser Wilhelm Land, its new owners entertaining high expectations as to its future, though the Australians greatly disliked the establishment of a German colony so close to their shores. The territory shares the fertility of all other Pacific regions. The cultivated area is probably about 50,000 acres, and susceptible of almost indefinite extension.

Coco, sago, and other palms are largely grown; ebony wood and bamboo is exported in large quantities, as well as copra and mother-of-pearl shells, which the natives collect for exchange against European goods. The hills are densely wooded with tropical vegetation, but in the clearings a good many cattle and goats are kept. With Long and Dampier Islands, German New Guinea is 70,000 square miles in extent, and has a population of 530,000 natives, besides 700 whites, of whom 90 per cent. come from the Fatherland.

In the same year that Germany absorbed the above-mentioned colony at the back-door of the Australian continent, she also took over the closely adjoining Bismarck Archipelago, containing 20,000 square miles. Here again the soil is fertile from the seashore up to the mountain ranges, where gold in paying quantities has been found. The islands, which are of very varied sizes, export cotton, coffee, copra, and rubber, the latter chiefly grown by a white population numbering under 500. The natives, with a considerable intermixture of Chinese, number 188,000. The seat of the Government, both for the Archipelago and Kaiser Wilhelm Land, is Herbertsh?he, in the main island.

Still further to the south-east a part of the Solomon group is under the Teutonic flag, including the considerable islands of Bougainville and Buka, both doing a large trade in sandal wood, tortoiseshell, and other tropical products. The Caroline, Ladrone, and Pelew Islands, in all 160 square miles, and the Marshall Islands, 160 square miles in extent, all form part of the German New Guinea Protectorate. Amongst the largest of these is Babelthuap, the remainder ranging downwards in size to uninhabited coral or volcanic rocks scattered about the waste of Pacific waters. Their total white population is not more than 1,500.

In the Samoan group Germany was, until early in September, a neighbour of the United States, her possessions here including Savaii and Upolu. She obtained them in November, 1899. The former has an area of 660 and the latter of 340 square miles, the native inhabitants being respectively 12,800 and 20,600, the Europeans numbering about 500. All the islands are extremely productive, copra and cocoa beans being chief articles of export, while a considerable trade in rubber has lately arisen. Wireless stations exist at Apia, the capital, as at Nauru, in the Marshall Islands.

Some time after the outbreak of war an expedition was sent against Samoa from New Zealand, and on Thursday, September 3rd, a message reached the Governor at Wellington to the effect that the German Governor of Samoa had surrendered, and had been sent with other prisoners to Fiji. The landing of troops was carried out with great expedition, and the Union Jack was hoisted at half-past twelve on the afternoon of August 29th.

In the middle of August it was thought desirable that Japan should move, and the decision to this effect was announced on the evening of August 17th in the following statement by the Press Bureau:

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, having been in communication with each other, are of opinion that it is necessary for each to take action to protect the general interests in the Far East contemplated by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, keeping especially in view the independence and integrity of China, as provided for in that agreement.

It is understood that the action of Japan will not extend to the Pacific Ocean beyond the China Seas, except in so far as it may be necessary to protect Japanese shipping lines in the Pacific, nor beyond Asiatic waters westward of the China Seas, or to any foreign territory except territory in German occupation on the continent of Eastern Asia.

Two days before this the following ultimatum was delivered by Japan to Germany, through the medium of the Japanese Ambassador at Berlin:

We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbance of peace in the Far East, and to safeguard general interests as contemplated in the Agreement of Alliance between Japan and Great Britain.

In order to secure firm and enduring peace in Eastern Asia, the establishment of which is the aim of the said Agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believes it to be its duty to give advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:

Withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters the German men-o'-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which cannot be withdrawn.

To deliver on a date not later than September 15th, to the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiao-Chau, with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China.

The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that in the event of its not receiving, by noon on August 23rd, an answer from the Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will be compelled to take such action as it may deem necessary to meet the situation.

Some anxiety was felt lest this step should not meet with approval in the United States, in view of the anti-Japanese feeling there; but following a conference between President Wilson and Mr. Bryan, President Wilson said to newspaper men that the Government had assurances from Japan that the latter would preserve the territorial integrity of China in the event of Germany forcing war on Japan by rejecting the Japanese ultimatum. The President said no reason was apparent for the belief that Japan would try to draw the United States into the conflict, and that America would preserve its neutrality; but, at the same time, would insist that Japan should do everything to preserve the integrity of China. The action of Japan created no surprise in Washington, as it had been expected.

No reply was given by the German Government, and in consequence the Japanese proceeded to invest Kaio-Chau. Within a couple of weeks they had occupied seven small islands in the neighbourhood of the German concession, and had removed over 1,000 mines from the adjacent waters. The case for Japan was stated explicitly at a special session of the Japanese Diet which began on Saturday, September 5th. A full account of the proceedings is contained in the following Reuter's telegram from Tokyo:

Count Okuma, the Premier, said he believed that the reasons leading to the convoking of a special session would be thoroughly understood. He asked for the support of Parliament, and said the army and navy were doing their full duty. He asked the Diet to pass the extraordinary Budget framed in connection with the war.

Baron Kato, in his speech, reviewed the events leading up to the war between Japan and Germany, and the breaking off of diplomatic relations with Austria. He first outlined the situation in Europe, showing that force of circumstances had decided Great Britain to participate in the war. Continuing, he said, "Early in August the British Government asked the Imperial Government for assistance under the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. German men-of-war and armed vessels were prowling around the seas of Eastern Asia, menacing our commerce and that of our ally, while Kiao-Chau was carrying out operations apparently for the purpose of constituting a base for warlike operations in Eastern Asia. Grave anxiety was thus felt for the maintenance of peace in the Far East.

"As all are aware," he added, "the agreement and alliance between Japan and Great Britain has for its object the consolidation and maintenance of general peace in Eastern Asia and the maintenance of the independence and integrity of China as well as the principle of equal opportunities for commerce and industry for all nations in that country, and the maintenance and defence respectively of territorial rights and special interests of contracting parties in Eastern Asia. Therefore, inasmuch as we were asked by our ally for assistance at a time when commerce in Eastern Asia, which Japan and Great Britain regard alike as one of their special interests, is subjected to a constant menace, Japan, who regards that alliance as a guiding principle of her foreign policy, could not but comply to the request to do her part."

"Germany's possession of a base for powerful activities in one corner of the Far East," the Minister added, "was not only a serious obstacle to the maintenance of permanent peace but also threatened the immediate interests of the Japanese Empire." "The Japanese Government," Baron Kato continued, "therefore resolved to comply with the British request and if necessary to open hostilities against Germany. After the Imperial sanction had been obtained I communicated this resolution to the British Government and a full and frank exchange of views between the two Governments followed and it was finally agreed between them to take such measures as were necessary to protect the general interests contemplated in the agreement and the alliance. Japan had no desire or inclination to become involved in the present conflict, only she believed she owed it to herself to be faithful to the alliance and to strengthen its foundation by insuring permanent peace in the East and protecting the special interests of the two allied Powers."

"Desiring, however, to solve the situation by pacific means the Imperial Government on August 15th gave the following advice to the German Government. Until the last moment of the time allowed, namely, until August 23rd, the Imperial Government received no answer and in consequence the Imperial rescript declaring war was issued the next day."

In conclusion Baron Kato said, "When the relations of Japan and Germany reached the point of rupture the Imperial Government asked the American Government if in case of need it would be good enough to undertake the protection of Japanese subjects and interests in Germany. This request the American Government promptly complied with and subsequently upon the rupture of diplomatic relations between Japan and Austria-Hungary the Imperial Government again appealed for American protection for Japanese subjects and interests in Austria-Hungary, when the American Government gave the same willing consent. I desire to avail myself of this opportunity to give expression to the sincere appreciation of the Imperial Government of the courtesy so kindly extended by the American Government."

Finally Baron Kato concluded by saying, "While regretting that Japan has been compelled to take up arms against Germany, I am happy to believe that the army and navy of our illustrious sovereign will not fail to show the same loyalty and valour which distinguished them in the past, so that all may be blessed by early restoration of peace."

That the war was being carried a stage further was seen from the following announcement, made by the Press Bureau on August 26th:

The Secretary of State for the Colonies learns from Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant, our officer commanding in German Togoland, that the German wireless telegraph installation at Kamina has been destroyed by enemy, and that they sent this afternoon a flag of truce, offering, if given all the honours of war, to capitulate, and stipulating for specific terms. He replied that they were not in a position to ask for terms, and that they must surrender unconditionally. He told them that we always respected private property, and that there would be as little interference as possible with the trade of the country and the private interests of firms.

He has advanced, and has occupied the crossing at River Amu. The German answer is expected to-night or early to-morrow morning.

In continuation of the statement issued to-day from the Colonial Office, the Secretary of State for the Colonies announces that he has received information from the officer commanding the troops in Togoland that Togoland has surrendered unconditionally, and that the Allied Forces will enter Kamina at eight a.m. to-morrow morning.

It was officially stated that the British Force engaged consisted of a detachment of the Gold Coast Regiment of the West African Frontier Force, under the command of Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel F.C. Bryant, R.A.

The destruction of the German wireless station in Togoland practically isolated German South-West Africa from Germany. This station in Togoland was built at Kamina, 1913-14, and was designed to act as a halfway station for the big station at Windhoek, the capital of German South-West Africa. The latter station--the station at Daressalam also having been destroyed--could now only "speak" to Nauen to take orders from Berlin when the conditions are extremely favourable, as, notwithstanding the great altitude on which the Windhoek station is built, direct communication with Germany was not possible, the stations being equipped on the telephone system, more than one day in ten, and then only for a few "spasmodic" minutes per day.

French Government leaves Paris--Triple Entente Declaration--An Important French Protest to the Powers--Aid from Dominions and India--South Africa's Expedition--The King's Proclamations.

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