Read Ebook: Japan and the Pacific and a Japanese View of the Eastern Question by Inagaki Manjiro

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England and Asia--The Persian war--The Chinese war--Russian diplomacy in China--Singapore and Hong Kong--Labuan and Port Hamilton--Position of Japan; its resources--Importance of Chinese alliance to England--Strength of English position in the Pacific at present--Possible danger from Russia through Mongolia and Manchooria--Japan the key of the Pacific; her area and people; her rapid development; her favourable position; effect of Panama Canal on her commerce--England's route to the East by the Canadian Pacific Railway--Japanese manufactures--Rivalry of Germany and England in the South Pacific--Imperial Federation for England and her colonies--Importance of island of Formosa--Comparative progress of Russia and England--The coming struggle.

The Spanish Empire, its power, and its decline--Commercial rivalry of England and Holland--The ascendency of France; threatened by the Grand Alliance--The Spanish succession and the Bourbon league--England's connection with the war of the Austrian succession--The Seven Years' War--Revival of the Anglo-Bourbon struggle in the American and Napoleonic wars.

FOREIGN POLICY OF RUSSIA DURING THE REIGNS OF PETER, CATHERINE, AND ALEXANDER 95

THE NEW EUROPEAN SYSTEM 114

GREEK INDEPENDENCE 120

THE CRIMEAN WAR 131

THE BLACK SEA CONFERENCE 164

French influence destroyed by the Franco-Prussian War--Russia annuls the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris--Condition of Europe prevents their enforcement by the Powers--London Conference; Russia secures the Black Sea; England's mistake--Alsace and Lorraine destroy the balance of power.

THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR OF 1878 172

Bulgarian atrocities--The Andrassy Note; England destroys its effect--The Berlin Memorandum; England opposes it--Russia prepares for a Turkish war--Conference of Constantinople--New Turkish Constitution--Russo-Turkish War--Treaty of San Stefano--Intervention of the Powers--The Berlin Congress--Final treaty of peace.

REMARKS ON TREATY OF BERLIN 195

The position of affairs--The Salisbury-Schouvaloff Memorandum and its disastrous effect on the negotiations at Berlin--Russia's gain--England and Austria the guardians of Turkey--Austria's vigorous and straightforward Balkan policy--Thwarted in Servia but triumphant in Bulgaria--Relations of Greece to Austria--Solution of the Crete question--Neutrality of Belgium threatened--Importance of Constantinople to Russia; the Anglo-Turkish Convention--England's feeble policy in Asia Minor--The question of Egypt--A new route to India by railway from the Mediterranean to Persian Gulf--England's relation to Constantinople.

CENTRAL ASIA 227

Rise of British power in India--Rivalry of France--Aims of Napoleon--Russian influence in Central Asia--Its great extension after the Crimean War--And after the Berlin Congress--Possible points of attack on India--Constantinople the real aim of Russia's Asiatic policy--Recent Russian annexations and railways in Central Asia--Reaction of Asiatic movements on the Balkan question--Dangerous condition of Austria--Possible future Russian advances in Asia--England's true policy the construction of a speedy route to India by railway from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf--Alliance of England, France, Turkey, Austria, and Italy would effectively thwart Russian schemes.

LIST OF MAPS.

Without doubt the Pacific will in the coming century be the platform of commercial and political enterprise. This truth, however, escapes the eyes of ninety-nine out of a hundred, just as did the importance of Eastern Europe in 1790, and of Central Asia in 1857. In the former case England did not appreciate the danger of a Russian aggression of Turkey, and so Pitt's intervention in the Turkish Question failed. It was otherwise in the second half of the nineteenth century, when the Crimean War and the Berlin Congress proved great events in English history. In 1857 the national feeling in England was not aroused as to the importance of defending Persia from foreign attack. Lord Palmerston had written to Lord Clarendon, Feb. 17, 1857, "It is quite true, as you say, that people in general are disposed to think lightly of our Persian War, that is to say, not enough to see the importance of the question at issue." How strongly does the Afghan question attract the public attention of England at the present day?

It is very evident that in 1857 very few in England were awake to the vital importance of withstanding Russian inroads into the far East, viz., the Pacific.

After defeating Russia miserably in the Crimean War and driving her back at the Balkans by the Treaty of Paris, Lord Palmerston's mind was now revolving and discussing the following serious thought: "Where would Russia stretch out her hands next?"

I think I am not wrong in stating the following as Lord Palmerston's solution of the problem:--

That Russia was about to strike the English interests at Afghanistan by an alliance with Persia.

That she would attack the Afghan frontier single-handed.

That an alliance would be formed with the Chinese, and a combined hostility against Britain would be shown by both.

She would extend her Siberian territory to the Pacific on the north, thereby obtaining a seaport on that ocean's coast, and make it an outpost for undermining English influence in Southern China.

Therefore in 1856 Lord Palmerston declared war against Persia remarking that "we are beginning to reveal the first openings of trenches against India by Russia."

This policy proved a winning one. The Indian Mutiny of 1857, however, scarcely gave Palmerston time to mature his Afghan Frontier scheme, consequently his views with regard to that country were to a great extent frustrated by Russia.

Mr. Gladstone, it certainly seems to me, only viewed the matter from a moral point of view. If we look at it in this light, then the British occupation of Port Hamilton was a still more striking example of English "loose law and loose notion of morality in regard to Eastern nations."

Palmerston was defeated in the House by sixteen votes, but was returned at the general election by a large majority backed by the aggressive feelings of the English nation.

This is easy to understand, and showed at any rate a disposition, in fact a wish, for the Anglo-Chinese alliance.

The Treaty of Pekin was finally concluded in 1860, the terms of which were--Toleration of Christianity, a revised tariff, payment of an indemnity, and resident ambassadors at Pekin.

Whatever might have been the policy of Palmerston in the Chinese War, Russia took it as indirectly pointed at herself.

General Ignatieff was sent to China immediately as Russian Plenipotentiary. It is said that he furnished maps to the allies, in fact did his very best to bring the negotiations to a successful and peaceful close, and immediately after the signing of the agreement, he commenced overtures for his own country, and succeeded in obtaining from China the cession of Eastern Siberia with Vladivostock and other seaports on the Pacific .

Lord Elgin asked Ignatieff why Russia was so anxious to obtain naval ports on the Pacific. He replied: "We do not want them for our own sake, but chiefly in order that we may be in a position to compel the English to recognize that it is worth their while to be friends with us rather than foes."

Here began the struggle between England and Russia in the Pacific.

In 1859 Russia obtained the Saghalien Island, in the North Pacific, from Japan, in exchange for the Kurile Island, while England was bombarding Kagoshima, a port in South Japan , but the English were virtually repelled from there.

Previous to this period the English policy in Asia was to establish a firm hold of Indian commerce with the South China Sea, for she could not find so large and profitable a field of commerce elsewhere. Therefore the English attention for the time being was entirely directed in that quarter.

In 1819 the island of Singapore, as well as all the seas, straits, and islands lying within ten miles of its coast, were ceded to the British by the Sultan of Johor. It then contained only a few hundred piratical fishermen, but now it is on the great road of commerce between the eastern and western portions of Maritime Asia, and is a most important military and naval station.

Hong Kong, an island off the southern coast of China, was occupied by the English, and in 1842 was formally handed over by the Treaty of Nankin. It has now become a great centre of trade, besides being a naval and military station.

In 1846 Labuan, the northern part of Borneo, was ceded to Great Britain by the Sultan of Borneo, and owing to the influence of Sir James Brooke a settlement was at once formed. Now it also, like Singapore, forms an important commercial station, and transmits to both China and Europe the produce of Borneo and the Malay Archipelago.

Owing to the opening of seaports in Northern China for foreign trade in 1842, the growing Russian influence in the Northern Pacific and many other circumstances caused England to perceive the necessity of having a naval dep?t and commercial harbour on the Tong Hai and on the Yellow Sea. England was doubtless casting her eyes upon the Chusan Island or some other island in the Chusan Archipelago, but did not dare to occupy any one of them lest she should thereby offend the chief trading nation of that quarter, viz., China.

However, in 1885 England annexed Port Hamilton, on the southern coast of the Corea, during the threatened breach with Russia on the Murghab question.

"Port Hamilton," said the author of "The Present Condition of European Politics," "was wisely occupied as a base from which, with or without a Chinese alliance, Russia could be attacked on the Pacific. It is vital to us that we should have a coaling station and a base of operations within reach of Vladivostock and the Amoor at the beginning of a war, as a guard-house for the protection of our China trade and for the prevention of a sudden descent upon our colonies; ultimately as the head station for our Canadian Pacific railroad trade; and at all times, and especially in the later stages of the war, as an offensive station for our main attack on Russia."

Port Hamilton forms the gate of Tong Hai and the Yellow Sea; it cannot, however, become a base of operations for an attack on the Russian force at Vladivostock and the Amoor unless an English alliance is formed with Japan. The above writer shows an ignorance of the importance of the situation of Japan in the Pacific question. Japan holds the key of the North China Sea and Japan Sea in Tsushima. She has fortified that island, and placed it in direct communication with the naval station of Sasebo, also with the military forces of Kumamoto. She also can send troops and fleets from the Kure naval station and the garrison of Hiroshima. She would also, if required, have other naval stations on the coast of the Japan Sea ready for any emergency. In this manner she would be able to keep out the British fleet from attacking Vladivostock and the Amoor through the Japan Sea. Even if she might not be able to do this single-handed she certainly could by an alliance with Russia.

If also Japan occupied Fusan, on the south-eastern shore of the Corea, the Japan Sea would be rendered almost impregnable from any southern attack.

Again, Port Hamilton would be useless as a head station for the Canadian Pacific Railway trade without an Anglo-Japanese alliance. If you look at the map, you can easily appreciate the situation. Japan, with many hundreds of small islands, lies between 24? and 52? in N. lat., its eastern shores facing the Pacific and cutting off a direct line from Vancouver's Island to Port Hamilton. It must therefore depend mainly upon Japan as a financial and political success.

Japan is now divided into six military districts, while the seas around it are divided into five parts, each having its own chief station in contemplation. The Government are now contemplating establishing a strong naval station at Mororan in Hokkukaido, for the defence of the district and also the shore of the northern part of the mainland, especially of the Tsugaru Strait. The strait of Shimonoseki also has been fortified and garrisoned on both sides, and has close communication from the Kure naval station, and with Hiroshima, and Osaka. Railway communication has also made great strides during the last few years, and rapid transit has consequently greatly improved throughout the empire.

Reviewing the discussion, we find that Port Hamilton is rather useless with regard to the Japan Sea and the Canadian Pacific railway road without a Japanese alliance, but it would be of immense importance in withstanding a Russian attack on the British interests from the Yellow Sea through Mongolia or Manchooria. It is also an excellent position for any offensive attack upon China in case of war breaking out.

The British occupation of Port Hamilton was very galling to the Chinese nation, in fact, quite as disagreeable as the occupation of Malta and Corsica was to Italy, and the annexing of the Channel Islands and Heligoland to France and Germany. It has therefore somewhat shaken the Anglo-Chinese alliance.

A Chinese alliance, however, is of far greater importance for English interests than the occupation of Port Hamilton. If relations became strained a severe blow would be dealt to English trade and commerce in that part. The main portion of the commercial trade of China is with the United Kingdom and her colonies; for instance, in 1887, the imports of China from Great Britain, Hong Kong, and India amounted to about 89,000,000 tael, while the exports to the same countries were 48,000,000 tael. It is hardly possible to find two countries more closely connected by trade than England and China. The Hamilton scheme was wisely abandoned in 1887, and the English Government obtained a written guarantee from China against a Russian occupation in future years.

Viscount Cranbrook said in his reply to a question asked by Viscount Sidmouth: "That the papers to which he referred did contain a written statement, and a very long written statement on the part of the Chinese Government giving the guarantee in question. It was not a mere verbal statement by the Chinese Government, but a very deliberate note. It was found that the Chinese had received from the Russian Government a guarantee that Russia would not interfere with Corean territory in future if the British did not, and the Chinese Government were naturally in a position, on the faith of that guarantee by the Russian Government, to give a guarantee to the British Government. The Marquess of Salisbury, on the part of her Majesty's Government, had accepted it as a guarantee in writing from the Chinese Government."

England also saved money by the abandonment of the Port Hamilton scheme, and saved her fleet from being, to a certain degree, scattered in such a far-off quarter of the globe.

England now holds complete sway both commercially and navally in the Pacific. Lord Salisbury's policy is worthy of all praise, together with Mr. Gladstone's original scheme. If the scheme had never been originated there would not have been so firm an Anglo-Chinese alliance as there now is.

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