Read Ebook: The battle of the Swash and the capture of Canada by Barton Samuel

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"Nations, as well as men, almost always betray the prominent features of their future destiny in their earliest years. When I contemplate the ardor with which the Anglo-Americans prosecute commerce, the advantages which aid them, and the success of their undertakings, I cannot help believing that they will one day become the first maritime power of the globe. They are born to rule the seas, as the Romans were to conquer the world."

"Democracy in America," by Alexis de Tocqueville. Translated by Henry Reeve, Esquire. Edited with notes by Prof. Francis Owen, of Harvard University, Cambridge, 1863, Vol. 1, p. 648 to 552.

To a reader of the present day, these words, albeit they were written nearly a hundred years ago, seem to have been almost inspired by superhuman wisdom, so accurately do they describe the present position of the United States as a maritime power; but if any American could have read them about the time of the "Battle of the Swash," they would have seemed either to convey the severest sarcasm of which human speech is capable, or else to have been the wild and unmeaning utterances of drivelling idiocy. For at this time, thanks to English privateers, and American stupidity and indifference, the American flag had practically disappeared from the ocean.

Concurrently with this wiping out of our shipping by English cruisers, iron and steel began to be used as a substitute for wood in ship building; and by the time that the rebellion had been finally crushed, our shipbuilders found themselves utterly unable to compete with those of Great Britain on account of the greater cost of materials and wages here, as well as the absence of machinery and appliances for building iron and steel vessels. Gold remained at a premium for several years after the conclusion of the war; and this, together with the tariff on imported materials required in ship building, rendered competition with foreign builders absolutely impossible. To make matters worse, all the principal maritime nations of Europe inaugurated a system of subsidies or bounties, which stimulated shipbuilding enormously, and increased the supply of vessels so rapidly, that carrying rates fell to figures, with which unsubsidized vessels could not possibly compete. England, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, and finally Spain, went into the subsidy business; and the latter power actually subsidized lines of steamers to the extent of over ,000,000 per annum, to run along our whole Atlantic and Pacific Coasts, trading between Mexico and Central America on the south, and Canada and British Columbia on the north, and stopping at all important American ports on their respective routes.

The only demand for American built vessels was for the coasting trade; but this demand was sufficient to induce the establishment of several large iron shipyards, most of which were located on the Delaware River, at or near Philadelphia, Chester, and Wilmington.

The vessels built at these yards, even in those early days, proved conclusively that American shipbuilders were still the best in the world, and then as now, American coastwise steamships were conceded to be the finest and fleetest and best vessels of their class afloat. The absolute refusal of Congress to offer any subsidy, or even to offer decent compensation to American vessels for carrying the mails to foreign countries, effectually prevented the building of any ships suitable for that trade; and while England and France and Germany and Spain were building swift merchant steamers on plans approved by their naval departments, and paying them liberal annual subsidies for the privilege of chartering or purchasing them at a fixed price, at any time, and converting them into aimed cruisers; thus providing themselves at a comparatively trifling cost with a most formidable and efficient auxiliary naval force; the Congress of the United States, with an apathy or indifference which seems utterly unaccountable at the present time, absolutely refused to do anything to encourage the rebuilding of the American Merchant Marine.

That such a suicidal policy should have been persisted in for more than twenty years after the close of the war, at a time when the annual receipts of the Treasury were over 0,000,000 in excess of the government requirements, and when the extraordinary spectacle was presented day after day, of senators and members of Congress, wrangling and arguing over the question of "how to dispose of the surplus," seems absolutely incredible; and yet, a perusal of the files of the newspapers published during this period, will satisfy the most skeptical reader that it is strictly true. For the convenience and satisfaction of such of my readers as may not be able easily to refer to these files, I reproduce a few articles and communications from some of the journals of that period.

SUBSIDIES TO BRITISH STEAMSHIPS--ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE WHITE STAR AND CUNARD LINES.

"A Liverpool cablegram received yesterday says: 'At the meeting of the stockholders of the Cunard Steamship Company to-day the chairman announced that the Government had granted the company an annual subvention of ,000 for a period of five years for the 'carrying of the mails.'

"Details of the agreement entered into between the British Admiralty and the owners of the White Star and Cunard companies, by which certain of their vessels are placed at the disposal of the Government on specified terms, are contained in a late parliamentary paper. The White Star Line agrees to hold at the disposition of the Government for purchase or hire, at the option of the Admiralty, to be exercised from time to time during the continuance of the agreement, the following vessels: Britannic, value ?130,000; Germanic, ?100,000; Adriatic, ?100,000; Celtic, ?100,000. In the event of purchase the foregoing prices were to be held as the values of the vessels on January 1, 1887, plus 10 per cent. for compulsory sale, less an abatement of 6 per cent. per annum on the depreciated annual value for the period that might elapse between January 1, 1887, and the date of purchase by the Government. In the event of charter by the Admiralty the rate of hire of the before-mentioned vessels was fixed at the rate of 20s. per gross registered ton per month, the owner providing the crew, or at the rate of 15s. per gross registered ton per month, the Admiralty finding the crew, all risks of capture and of hostilities being assumed by the Admiralty. The company has determined to build one or two vessels of high speed and of such a type and speed as will render them specially suitable for service as armed cruisers, and in accordance with the plans and specifications submitted and approved by the Admiralty. In consideration of this the Admiralty will have to pay to the company an annual subvention at the rate of 15s. per gross registered ton per annum. On February 8, the Admiralty accepted similar proposals made by the Cunard Line in respect to the following vessels: Etruria, value ?310,000; Umbria, ?301,000; Aurunia, ?240,000; Servia, ?193,000; Gallia, ?102,000--a subvention of 15s. per gross registered ton per annum, to be paid to the company on account of the Etruria, Umbria and Aurania during the continuance of the postal contract, and in the event of the termination of that contract before these three vessels received five years' payment, the company to be entitled to receive for the balance a subvention at the rate of 20s., the five vessels being still held at the disposition of the Government. In the event of the Cunard Company building new vessels for the mail service, they will submit the plans to the Admiralty for approval.

"The subvention will amount to about ?6,500 for each of the new vessels of the White Star Line, so long as they carry the mails, or ?8,500 should the mails be withdrawn. The annual charge for the retention of the Cunarders Etruria, Umbria and Aurania is stated at ?5,400 each.

The Admiralty announce that they are ready to make the same arrangement as with the White Star Company for the first ten steamers that may be offered by any of the British steamship companies."

DEAR SIR: I received your letter and pamphlet this morning in relation to American shipping. It is a matter in which I am greatly interested. I only wish I really had some influence in this country to help forward measures for the advancement of our mercantile marine, without which we can never be a great naval power. I have written a great deal on the subject and the files of the Senate have now many letters of mine in favor of granting subsidies to ocean steamships, in order to open lines wherever they could be run to advantage. Indeed, I have been so persistent in this matter ever since the close of the civil war that I ran the risk of being considered queer--for that is the term people apply nowadays to men of progressive ideas, whose opinions come in conflict with those of persons who are altogether guided by local prejudices.

This country is a young giant, full of resources, overflowing with wealth, and the people themselves full of progressive ideas, yet you see how difficult it is to get anything done even for the defense of our coast and great cities.

With all our wealth and enterprise we are, owing to the force of circumstances over which our people seem to have no control, Bourbons up to the hub, learning nothing and forgetting nothing.

The nation that can put the most ships and the best ships on the sea will be the one that can set the world at defiance. No nation can put its commerce on its bottom again, after it has been broken up as ours has been, without subsidies, which are considered by some people as opposed to our institutions, although I myself cannot see it: but subsidies to steamships that must carry our products over the world and bring back other products in return must help every industry in the country. Every State in the Union is interested in having our commerce re-established, no matter at what cost. Think what an impetus the establishment of great lines of steamships would give to our iron and steel interests. How many thousands of mechanics who are now out of employment would again enjoy ample compensation for their labor. What rejoicings there would be throughout the land at such an event. How the cotton and hemp manufactories would be crowded with workers. Think how many million yards of canvas would be spread upon the ocean.

The great British steam lines which are running to and from our ports so frequently, bring their coal from England and take little back from this country. Think of the coal-mines that would be worked to supply our great ocean steam lines should we ever establish such as are necessary to the country. Sit down and reckon the different industries that would be benefited by the establishment of great steamship lines, and you will be surprised at the amount that would be thrown into the hands of the laboring people of this country.

What is the object of a government if it is not to build up the industries of a country, as opposed to those of other countries? A republican government should be the best in the world. Its legislators should advance all its industries. It should be more paternal in its organizations than any other, for those who are elected to office are put there by the people to promote their interests. We have gone on for the past twenty-five years, showing no more ability to cope with the matters to which I have referred than the minor republics of South America, which scarcely hold any place in the estimation of the world. Instead of being a government for the people, ours seems to be a government made for the advantage of a select clique.

I almost despair, although not naturally of a despairing nature. I thought when our civil war was over and there was no longer a question which could seriously divide the country, that we would put our household in order and unite to become the great nation of the world, which we are fully capable of doing; but, with thousands of others who helped to fight for the country and put it on its legs again, I have been wofully disappointed, particularly in the decadence of that ocean commerce which was once second only to Great Britain.

Even Spain, that has been for years behind all other nations, and for more than sixty years has been considered the most effete government in Europe--Bourbon all over--has now taken the lead of us, has voted millions in a lump to build up her navy, and is about to establish those very steam lines which should have been American. If this country does not take proper steps to resurrect our commerce and place a number of steamship lines on a footing with those of European countries, foreigners may well say that the resources of the country have been developed faster than the education of the people has progressed, and that the Americans are not sufficiently advanced in intelligence to understand that no nation can be a first-class power that allows another to do its carrying. For my part, I expect to step out soon without witnessing the fulfilment of any of my cherished ideas. As for the "naval reserve" they are talking about at present, it ought to have been established in the days of the Revolution.

Every steamship that we build for ocean service should be able to carry guns, and the Government should condemn her for national use whenever it is considered necessary--in fact, exercise greater power over the mercantile marine than over the militia. An organization of this kind, however, can only be established by stringent acts of Congress, without which no action of the Secretary of the Navy or a board of officers would enable the Government to use merchant vessels.

Nothing, however, in this direction can be done the present session, and we can only hope that a more enlightened feeling in regard to these matters will be shown in the future than has prevailed in the past.

The people who make this outcry against "subsidies" apparently do not reflect that no nation in the world has gone so far in this direction as the United States. For instance, the grants to the great railroads which connect the Atlantic with the Pacific, by which millions of dollars and millions upon millions of the public lands were given, enough to have built up our mercantile marine and navy twenty times over; yet few people have objected to these donations on the part of the Government, as it was felt to be the only means by which we could open the country for settlement and obtain control of the great commerce of the East.

That was the great cry at the time, but unfortunately we only half did the work we started to accomplish, and failed to continue the road to China by not appropriating money to put upon the Pacific a sufficient number of steamships to entirely control the China trade, and give us a large number of fast and powerful vessels that could, when necessary, be transformed into heavily armed men-of-war for the protection of our northwest coast.

At the present time a single powerful vessel of an enemy could devastate the whole of that coast. I remain, very truly yours, DAVID D. POUTER, Admiral.

"'Trade is following the flag' with a vengeance. The policy that mails on the ocean should not be paid a much higher rate than 'inanimate freight' is bringing its fruits home to us in a very unpleasant manner. The direct contrary policy of England, France, Germany, Spain and Italy is driving the stars and stripes from the Ocean. Will Americans sit tamely by and see this insane policy continued?"

The following letter addressed to this same Mr. Thurber, and, signed by a person bearing the same name as the author of this book, was also published in several newspapers about this time.

NEW YORK, Sept. 16, 1887.

DEAR SIR: I am in receipt of your pamphlet, and I beg to say that in my humble judgment it is entirely unanswerable, and that the mere statement of facts which it contains should bring the blush of shame to every American cheek.

Indeed, if we were not living witnesses and victims of it, it would be utterly beyond belief that such a stupid and vicious system as that under which our mercantile marine is being absolutely strangled "in the house of its friends" could prevail in any country having the slightest pretensions to intelligence or enterprise; and it is certainly not too much to say that if our present laws had been framed by our worst national enemies or our bitterest commercial rivals, they could not be more effectual in paralyzing our foreign commerce and rendering us as nearly as possible a cipher among the nations of the earth.

Two years ago I was obliged to give up active business on account of ill health, and since that time I have traveled quite extensively in Europe, and the most striking fact which confronted me at every turn, was the enormous increase and development of foreign trade among nations which we have hitherto regarded as only second or third rate commercial powers. This remarkable development, in which France and Germany took the lead, has extended to other countries, and Italy, Spain and even little Belgium, are rapidly coming to the front as great maritime nations. Upon inquiring into the causes of this remarkable increase of commercial activity, I found that it was entirely due to the policy of "protection by bounty" or subsidy. Moreover, it has been made principally at the expense of the United States of America.

England has of course suffered to some extent also: but I think it is entirely within bounds to assume that at least 75 per cent. of the foreign traffic secured by these enterprising Europeans within the last fifteen or twenty years, is traffic which rightfully belongs to us, and which we should have had, if our law-makers had exhibited the slightest desire to foster our commercial interests. Walking along the magnificent wharves of Antwerp, I saw steamer after steamer loading and unloading for and from ports in South America, whose trade by every natural law should come to us. It was the same at Southampton and Liverpool and Havre, and even away down in Naples there were evidences on every hand of how we Americans are being robbed of what may be justly considered our birthright; that is, South American, West Indian, and even Mexican trade. The intense and monumental stupidity which permits this process to continue, is doubtless amusing to those who profit by it, but it is death to us as a maritime nation.

It seems inconceivable that with an overflowing Treasury, and with exports of over 0,000,000 per annum, our shipping interest should be thus wiped out of existence merely because a lot of idiots have inherited a political superstition which invariably throws them into spasms of indignant protest whenever the word "subsidy" is mentioned. This inherited superstition is practically all there is behind the opposition to a fair and reasonable system of protection and encouragement to our shipping interest.

Of what use are arguments in the face of patent and notorious facts? Our commerce was swept from the ocean during our civil war. Its place has been usurped by subsidized vessels of other countries. Against these vessels unsubsidized ones cannot compete successfully. This is the whole question in a nutshell.

Shall we, by a judicious system of paying a fair price for American mail service, restore our foreign commerce, and take once more the front rank among maritime nations? Or shall we continue to yield to the paralyzing influence of a mere word, which only represents an idiotic and threadbare superstition; and turn our whole enormous export trade over to our foreign competitors, who, while ridiculing our stupidity, gladly take advantage of it, and pocket the profits which we thus thrust upon them? Public sentiment is gradually changing on this great subject; and the demand for reasonable and sensible legislation in the interest of American shipowners will soon make itself heard with no uncertain sound. Meanwhile, the fact that practical and intelligent business men are taking part in the public discussion of it, is one of the most encouraging signs of the times.

I remain, yours very truly, SAM BARTON.

It is scarcely necessary for me to say that the foregoing letter expresses what my sentiments would have been at that time, quite as fully and as well, as I could, if I had written it myself.

Not only had our merchant marine thus been permitted to be wiped out of existence, but our navy had also become worn out and decayed, and our antiquated coast fortifications were the laughing stock of military and naval experts all over the world.

Concerning the deplorable condition of the United States Navy, Secretary Whitney, in his annual report for 1885, said, "At the present moment it must be conceded that we have nothing which deserves to be called a navy. It is questionable whether we have a single naval vessel finished and afloat at the present time, that could be trusted to encounter the ships of any important power--a single vessel that has either the armor for protection, speed for escape, or weapons for defense."

This was a notorious fact, as was also the defenseless condition of our seaboard cities.

Mr. Samuel J. Tilden--who was the democratic candidate for President of the United States in 1876, and who was believed by many to have been elected, notwithstanding the decision of the electoral commission in favor of Mr. Hayes--had in a public letter, made a very strong appeal for the utilization of the so-called surplus revenues in fortifying our coasts.

Admiral Porter in his report for the year 1887, also made the following astounding statement in this connection:

"Two heavy iron-clads could commence at the eastern-most point, and proceed along the coast to Texas, laying every city under contribution. In time of war, the torpedo system will be useless for defense in the absence of proper fortifications and guns. For the event of war we are no more prepared than we were a year ago; although we have made a beginning to repair simply the waste in our navy for the past twenty-five years."

Meanwhile, new fortifications were recommended year after year, and the necessity for these was conceded by both political parties; but--they were not built.

Elaborate estimates for the establishment of gun foundries were made and favorably reported on; but--the foundries were not built. Huge appropriations for formidable armored battle ships were talked over and recommended; but--the armored battle ships were not built.

SECRETARY WHITNEY'S EFFORTS TO REBUILD THE NAVY.

Upon his accession to the Presidency in March, 1885, President Cleveland had appointed a Mr. William C. Whitney, a New York lawyer, secretary of the Navy; and although he had had no previous experience in naval matters, he seems to have been profoundly impressed with the necessity of rebuilding the Navy, and bringing it up to a standard more in consonance with modern methods, and more in keeping with the vast national interests which it might at any time be suddenly called upon to protect and defend. During his entire term of office, Secretary Whitney's reports and official communications were invariably couched in the most earnest and vigorous language; and bore the strongest possible testimony to the serious importance with which he regarded his position; and it is not too much to say that many of the features which at present cause the United States Navy to rank first among the navies of the world, grew out of suggestions and recommendations made by Secretary Whitney.

Like all reformers, however, his path was beset with many difficulties; and although he persisted bravely in the task he had set for himself, he encountered so many obstacles and discouragements, that his health became seriously impaired, and it was only at the earnest solicitation of the President, and leading members of his party, that he consented to serve his full term of four years. During President Cleveland's administration party feeling ran very high, and the Republicans, who had recently been ousted from power, after a continuous enjoyment of it for twenty-four years, seemed to look upon any effort to alter or increase or improve the Navy, as a reflection upon their previous management of the department. Consequently, Secretary Whitney found himself opposed and hampered at every turn; and his well-meant and intelligent efforts in the direction of reform, encountered the open or concealed opposition of Republican Senators and Congressmen; and as the Republicans still held control of the Senate by a narrow majority, but few of his recommendations were at first favorably acted upon. Thus does party prejudice at times outweigh patriotism; and thus the best interests of the country are often neglected or jeopardized in obedience to the behests of a political boss, or in deference to the supposed necessities of a partisan organization.

It is difficult at this late day, to conceive of such a state of affairs as this; but as a partial vindication of our ancestors against a charge of what might almost be called high treason, we must remember that the passions and prejudices which grew out of the "War of the Rebellion," still found a resting-place in the bosoms of most of the older inhabitants; and these extended to the political discussions of the day, rendering party feeling exceedingly bitter and vindictive.

In fact, what would at present be regarded as an absurd impossibility, was then an actual fact; and the two great political parties of the country, twenty years after the close of the Civil War, found themselves divided on precisely the same sectional lines, which had existed previous to and during that conflict; and the most casual reference to the journals of that date can scarcely fail to reveal one or more allusions to "The Solid South," as a political entity whose interests must have necessarily been antagonistic to the other portions of the Union.

The vast manufacturing and mineral interests of Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee, were then in their infancy; and the people of those States still hugged the delusion of free trade, as a sort of an inherited political superstition, in common with the other Southern States, whose interests were almost wholly Agricultural, and which have since found their proper and logical political affiliation with the Agricultural States of the West and Northwest.

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